Questions on Chapter 12.

their parents as their superiors. When children forget to respect their parents, they themselves lose the respect of all the better class of society, and seldom fail to bring upon themselves degradation and ruin. How full of meaning is the exhortation of the apostle, “Honor thy father and mother; that it may be well with thee, and thou mayest live long on the earth”! Significantly was it written by Solomon: “The eye that mocketh at his father, and despiseth to obey his mother, the ravens of the valley shall pick it out, and the young eagles shall eat it.” Proverbs 30:17.

4. Protection, support, and comfort, in seasons of affliction and amid the infirmities of age, are emphatically due from children to parents. This is clearly inferable from the general tenor of Scripture. It flows necessarily from the great law of love — it is embodied in our Saviour’s precept of doing to others as we would that they should do to us. Indeed, such is the extent under which children are indebted to their parents, that, when they do all in their power to bless, comfort, and provide for them, in every hour of affliction and need, they never can fully repay what they owe. Hard and fiend-like must be the heart of that child who can witness the want of a father or mother, and fail to extend every possible relief. If both nature and Scripture dictate that parents, when they can, should “lay up for their children,” the same considerations require that children, when their parents are needy or afflicted, should render them all the comfort and assistance in their power.

QUESTIONS ON CHAPTER 12.

QUESTION 1. Whence may we learn the duties of parents and children?

2. What is implied in the first parental duty specified, and by what scriptures is it established?

3. The second, and how is it proved?

4. What is the third duty of parents named, and now is it proved?

5. How may it best be performed?

6. The fourth, and how should it be performed?

7. How is the first duty of children to parents proved and illustrated?

8. The second?

9. The third?

10. The fourth?

CHAPTER 13 — OUR DUTY TO OUR NEIGHBOR —

APPLICATION OF THE LAW TO SPECIAL CASES AND

CONDITIONS — RULERS AND SUBJECTS.

IN a political or civil sense, whether the governing power be styled emperor, king, monarch, sovereign, president, governor, ruler, judge, or patriarch, there are important duties pertaining to this political relation obligatory on both the rulers and the persons ruled. Although we have no evidence that the people of any country ever assembled en masse to form a civil compact, and so originate a government by formal stipulation between the governors and the governed, yet, in the nature of things, it is theoretically assumed that such a compact, by tacit implication, exists in all political establishments. Both the parties concerned possess distinct and separate rights, and out of these rights grow reciprocal obligations. All civil, governments are commonly embraced in four classes: the monarchical, the aristocratic, the republican or democratic, and the mixed.

In a monarchy, the governing power is in the hands of a single person, usually styled emperor, king, or autocrat; in an aristocracy, this power is in the hands of the nobility, or principal persons of the State; in a republic or democracy, this power resides in the people, and is exercised either in their collective capacity, or through their representatives; a mixed government partakes to some extent of more than one of the preceding characteristics.

But, whatever may be the form of government, there are important duties growing out of this relation to which we call attention.

I. WE NOTICE THE DUTIES OF RULERS.

These grow out of certain important inherent rights which all men are supposed to possess, and which the government to which they submit is bound to protect and defend. The principal of these rights are those of “personal security, personal liberty, and private property.” In the possession of these, the government, or rulers, are bound to protect the citizens.

1. It is the duty of the government to extend to all its subjects personal security.

This implies the preservation of the person of each individual from the lawless, violent, or injurious attacks, of all persons whatsoever. It cannot be supposed that any government is capable of extending this protection, absolutely and perfectly, to all its subjects — this would require the governing powers to possess all the attributes of omniscience, omnipresence, and omnipotence, none of which can pertain to any being but God; none but he can be everywhere present, beholding the evil and the good, and possess the wisdom and power sufficient to prevent every injurious or violent act which vicious persons may be disposed to perpetrate in reference to their fellows. All that civil rulers can do is, to enact wholesome laws for the protection of all the rights of the people, and to see that these laws are not only sanctioned by adequate penalties, but administered and executed with due fairness and impartiality, and with as little delay as possible. When this is done, each citizen possesses a reasonable assurance that the ruling power to whose authority he submits, not only respects and looks after his rights, but that, when they are infringed or violated, it provides an adequate remedy for the redress of the wrong; and thus he is furnished by his government with all that personal security which the nature of the case admits. More than this the government could not bestow, but this much it is bound to extend.

2. Personal Liberty. — Several important items are embraced in that personal liberty which it is the duty of all good governments to secure to its subjects.

(1) The freedom of locomotion, or the right of transit from one part of the country to another, is a privilege which should be denied to none, except as a punishment for crime. As God has bestowed upon all men this power of travel, and as it contributes greatly to the well-being and happiness of society, and as government is ordained and sanctioned, not as an engine of oppression, but as an instrument of good to the community, it follows that it is the duty of those who bear rule to secure to every subject the right of passing at will from one portion of the country to another, and to fix his residence wherever choice or interest may dictate, provided he interfere not with the rights of others.

(2) Another right which it is the duty of the government to secure to each citizen is, the pursuit of happiness, by engaging in any lawful calling, business, or profession, he may select. In a good government, exclusive privileges or monopolies should not be conferred on corporations, or individuals, to the general detriment of the community. Restrictive regulations are only proper when it is clear that the general welfare will be promoted thereby,

(3) Government should secure to its subjects liberty of conscience. By this we mean the right of every man to the free and orderly expression of his opinions on all subjects, whether political or religious; provided he infringes no law, produces no riot or disturbance, and does not molest others in the enjoyment of their rights.

As religion is a concern between each individual and his Maker, nothing can be more incongruous and absurd than for one class of persons to prescribe a system of faith, or mode of worship, for the rest; nor can it be at all admissible for rulers to interpose between their subjects and God, so as to interfere with the rights of conscience.

Conscience, it is true, is often not well informed, and, in such cases, is not an infallible guide; yet it is also true that no man has a right to act contrary to the dictates of his conscience, nor can he do so without incurring guilt. The criminality of all wrong actions, which are performed in accordance with the dictates of conscience, results solely from the fact that the individual has sinfully neglected the means of enlightening his conscience. Since, then, no one can act in violation of his conscience without incurring guilt, it results from the same principle of reasoning, that it would be tyrannical and wrong for any civil government not to protect its citizens in the full exercise of liberty of conscience. In the political systems of all Protestant countries these sacred rights are now well secured; and, in view of the rapid progress of liberal principles characterizing the present age, we may reasonably hope that the day is at hand when all men in all lands will be secured in the inestimable right of freedom of faith and speech, and allowed, without fear or intimidation, to worship God according to the dictates of their own consciences.

3. The right of private property.

This should be secured by government to every citizen. This right is not only in manifest accordance with nature, but is plainly recognized in Scripture. The divine law, forbidding theft, robbery, fraud, and dishonesty, in every shape, presupposes the right of property; for these sins are but specifications of the various methods of violating that right. It is not to be supposed that any code of human laws, however judiciously framed or faithfully administered, can extend to every citizen complete protection in the right of his property. Such is the cunning craftiness of wicked, dishonest men, that, while fraudulently filching from the hand of honest industry the fruit of its labor, they will find many ways of evading the best of human laws, and of escaping the penalty they justly deserve; but it is the duty of rulers to do all in their power to protect the owner of property in his possessions. In this way governors should be “for the punishment of evil-doers, and for the praise of them that do well.” 1 Peter 2:14.

It is not only the prerogative, but the duty, of civil government, with solicitous care, to use all appropriate means to promote the peace, safety, prosperity, and happiness of the people. This will include treaties of amity and commerce with foreign States, the regulation of trade, and the mutual exchange of commodities at home, the encouragement of the arts and sciences, of agriculture and manufactures, of industry and economy, of sobriety and good order, and especially of education, morality, and religion. A State which looks with indifference upon these interests must be greatly derelict in duty, and those functionaries intrusted with the management and control of her affairs will have a fearful account to render for the neglect of the welfare and happiness of the people over whom, in the providence of God, they have been placed as rulers.

II. THE DUTIES OF CITIZENS TO THE GOVERNMENT.

1. Submission to the civil authorities, and obedience to the laws, is a prime duty of every citizen.

On this subject St. Paul says: “Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers. For there is no power but of God: the powers that be are ordained of God. Whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God; and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation. For rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power? Do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the same; for he is the minister of God to thee for good. But if thou do that which is evil, be afraid; for he beareth not the sword in vain; for he is the minister of God, a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil. Wherefore ye must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but also for conscience’ sake.” Romans 13:1-5.

The submission and implicit obedience to the authority of civil rulers here inculcated by the apostle, are rendered imperative by two considerations: First. Without this submission and obedience there can be no civil government, and civil government is essential to the general good of society. Secondly. Civil government is “of God” — that is, it exists by his sanction, and according to his providence. Hence, according to this general principle, he that resisteth the civil authority “resisteth the ordinance of God.”

But, it may be asked, is rebellion against the civil government under whose auspices, in the providence of God, our lot has been cast, never justifiable? To this we reply —

(1) No personal immorality, imbecility, or bad conduct, on the part of rulers, while the constitution is maintained in good faith, can justify rebellion. The personal character of a ruler is one thing, and his official character is another thing. He may be immoral and profligate in his private life, and yet comparatively a good civil ruler; or he may be unimpeachable in his private character, and tyrannical and unsafe as a civil ruler. For his private conduct he is amenable to God; but, for his official acts, to the constitution and the people over whom he holds dominion.

(2) The cases in which rebellion against the authorities of civil government may be justifiable, are exceedingly rare; yet they sometimes do occur. Rebellion is a remedy so terrible in its character and consequences, that it should never be resorted to except in cases of extreme necessity, and after all milder means of redress have been tried in vain. Rebellion is never justifiable when the evils proposed to be remedied are less than those which rebellion would be likely to involve. In such cases, great evils had better be borne for a season, rather than incur greater evils by attempting their removal.

It may be safe to conclude —

First. When rulers are attempting to subvert the constitution, and to overthrow the liberties of the people by usurpation, it may be justifiable in the people to resist that usurpation — yea, it would be their duty to arise in their majesty and hurl the usurpers from their places of authority, and thus preserve intact the constitution, which is the great sheet-anchor of their sacred rights.

Secondly. When the government itself has become so corrupt, or the constitution so defective, that the endurance of the existing state of things would be a greater evil than the probable calamities of revolution — in such case, if there be a reasonable probability that revolution may be conducted to a successful issue, and a better government established, then it would not only be a justifiable act, but one demanded by the noble impulses of manhood and true patriotism, for the people to rise in rebellion against a corrupt government or tyrannical usurpation, and thus mutually pledge to each other “their lives, fortune, and sacred honor,” while issuing their solemn declaration of freedom and independence.

2. Patriotism, or love of our country, is a duty incumbent on every citizen. The same natural tie that binds to the love of family, kindred, and home, originates the obligation and suggests the impulse of patriotism. How deep, yet how manly, was this feeling in the heart of the exiled Jew — “If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cunning. If I do not remember thee, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth; if I prefer not Jerusalem above my chief joy”! Psalm 137:5, 6. And how full of more than patriotic emotion must have been the heart of St. Paul, when he exclaimed: “I have great heaviness and continual sorrow in my heart. For I could wish that myself were accursed from Christ for my brethren, my kinsmen according to the flesh”! Romans 9:2, 3.

The same patriotic emotion has been beautifully described by the poet: “Breathes there a man with soul so dead,

Who never to himself hath said,

This is my own, my native land?”

The duty of patriotism is manifested by doing all in our power to sustain our institutions, and promote the prosperity of our county. This requires us —

(1) To contribute our means. The apostle says: “For this cause pay ye tribute also… Render therefore to all their dues: tribute to whom tribute is due; custom to whom custom; fear to whom fear; honor to whom honor.” Romans 13:6, 7.

(2) This duty requires respect and reverence for our rulers. “Curse not the king, no, not in thy thought” (Ecclesiastes 10:20), is the admonition of Solomon, St. Paul quotes from Moses: “Thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people.” Acts 23:5. The ruler of the people is styled “the minister of God;” hence he is worthy of due reverence, for his office’ sake.

(3) It is the duty of every citizen to offer prayer for his rulers, and for the prosperity of his country. “Pray for the peace of Jerusalem” (Psalm 122:6), is the exhortation of David. St. Paul teaches us to pray “for kings, and for all that are in authority.” 1 Timothy 2:2. The propriety and utility of this scriptural duty must be manifest to every serious, reflecting mind. It tends to preserve a continual memory of our indebtedness to God for the gracious providence which confers upon us all our social, political, and religious blessings, and to teach us our dependence upon him for their continuance.

Having considered, in its different phases, our duty to our neighbor, both in reference to its general principles and its application to specific conditions or relations in life, we inquire, in conclusion, how this important duty may be performed.

We reply, that mere unassisted nature is inadequate either fully to impart the knowledge of this duty, or to enable us to perform it when understood. As, without revelation, we may grope forever in the dark, unable to learn correctly what our duty to our neighbor implies, so, without the aid of divine grace and the influence of the Holy Spirit, our utmost efforts for the proper performance of that duty will be fruitless; As “no man can say that Jesus is the Lord, but by the Holy Ghost,” so no man can do those things which the law of God requires, but through the aid of that Holy Spirit which God has promised to impart, in virtue of the atonement of Christ, to all them that believe.

When we consider that the divine “commandment is exceeding broad,” not only requiring uprightness of conduct, but extending to the thoughts of the heart, and at the same time reflect on our utter helplessness and depravity, we may well exclaim: “Who is sufficient for these things?” But when we think of the fullness of the promise of divine grace, we may say, with the apostle, “I can do all things through Christ who strengtheneth me.” QUESTIONS ON CHAPTER 13.

QUESTION 1. Into what kinds may civil governments be divided?

2. What are the principal duties of rulers?

3. Is conscience an infallible guide to duty?

4. Can we violate its dictates without guilt?

5. Can civil government extend absolute protection to every citizen as to his rights?

6. What, then, is the duty of governors?

7. To what extent is the subject bound to obey the civil rulers?

8. Is rebellion ever justifiable? and if so, under what circumstances?

9. Do the Scriptures sanction the virtue of patriotism?

10. By what means may we be able to perform our whole duty?