Acts · Chapter 25

Verse 1. Now when Festus was come into the province] By the province is meant Judea; for, after the death of Herod Agrippa, Claudius thought it imprudent to trust the government in the hands of his son Agrippa, who was then but seventeen years of age; therefore Cuspius Fadus was sent to be procurator. And when afterwards Claudius had given to Agrippa the tetrarchate of Philip, that of Batanea and Abila, he nevertheless kept the province of Judea more immediately in his own hands, and governed it by procurators sent from Rome. Joseph. Ant. lib. xx. cap. 7, sec. 1. Felix being removed, Porcius Festus is sent in his place; and having come to Cæsarea, where the Roman governor generally had his residence, after he had tarried three days, he went up to Jerusalem, to acquaint himself with the nature and complexion of the ecclesiastical government of the Jews; no doubt, for the purpose of the better administration of justice among them.

Verses 1-3. When Festus was come into the province — And had taken possession of the government; after three days he ascended from Cesarea — The usual residence of the Roman governors; to Jerusalem — The capital city; probably, both that he might gratify his curiosity in the sight of so celebrated a place, and also that he might there, as at the fountain-head, inform himself of the present state of their public affairs. Then the high-priest, &c., informed him against Paul — In so long a time their rage was nothing cooled: so much louder a call had Paul to the Gentiles. And besought him — That he would not (as, it is probable, they pretended Lysias and Felix had done) obstruct the course of public justice against one whom they knew to be so notorious an offender; and desired favour against him — Requested of him, as a peculiar favour; that he would send for him to Jerusalem — To be judged there; laying wait, &c. — Secretly purposing to lay an ambush of desperate wretches for him, who they knew would readily undertake to intercept and kill him by the way. “The high-priests, about this time, were, according to the account Josephus gives of them, such monsters of rapine, tyranny, and cruelty, that it is not to be wondered such a design should have been favoured by him who now bore the office. Josephus also mentions a great number of assassins at this time, called sicarii, or poniarders, from the weapons they carried, by whom many innocent persons were murdered.”

Verse 1. When Festus was come into the province, after three days he ascended to Jerusalem, the metropolis of his government. The Romans evidently paid great attention to Palestine, because they regarded the strong city of Jerusalem as the key of their power in Asia. While the jews submitted peacefully to the yoke, Egypt was awed on the right, and proconsular Asia barricaded on the left. It was wise therefore in Festus to receive their congratulations, to show them favours, and form a good understanding with the Hebrew court.

Ver, 2, 3. Then the highpriest and the chief of the jews informed him against Paul — and desired favour, carin, grace, as the Greek and all the versions read, against him. And why should Festus, amidst a cloud of congratulations, refuse equal favour to them, and to Paul, for it was a privilege for a man to be tried by his own judges, and his own laws. Aye, but those demons of murder, arrayed as angels of light, in the garb of equity and honour, told not Festus that they would have more than forty sicarions to assassinate Paul, ere he entered the city; and sicarions, not wandering robbers from Egypt, but zealots of their own religion, who for two years had endured great trouble about a vow, not to eat or drink till they had killed Paul.

1. Festus—Of the previous life of Festus history says nothing. He arrived at Cesarea probably in the autumn of A.D. 60. He was not disgraced by the flagitious qualities that belonged to Felix, yet he courted popularity at the expense of right. After three days—A promptness that allowed him but one intermediate day for rest. Cesarea to Jerusalem—From the Roman capital to the Jewish capital of Palestine.

V. 2. Then the high priest and the chief of the Jews appeared against Paul-In so long a time their rage was not cooled. So much louder a call had Paul to the Gentiles.

Verse 2. The high priest-informed him against Paul] They supposed that as Felix, to please them, on the resignation of his government, had left Paul bound, so Festus, on the assumption of it, would, to please them, deliver him into their hand; but, as they wished this to be done under the colour of justice, they exhibited a number of charges against Paul, which they hoped would appear to Festus a sufficient reason why a new trial should be granted; and he be sent to Jerusalem to take this trial. Their motive is mentioned in the succeeding verse.

Verses 1-3. When Festus was come into the province — And had taken possession of the government; after three days he ascended from Cesarea — The usual residence of the Roman governors; to Jerusalem — The capital city; probably, both that he might gratify his curiosity in the sight of so celebrated a place, and also that he might there, as at the fountain-head, inform himself of the present state of their public affairs. Then the high-priest, &c., informed him against Paul — In so long a time their rage was nothing cooled: so much louder a call had Paul to the Gentiles. And besought him — That he would not (as, it is probable, they pretended Lysias and Felix had done) obstruct the course of public justice against one whom they knew to be so notorious an offender; and desired favour against him — Requested of him, as a peculiar favour; that he would send for him to Jerusalem — To be judged there; laying wait, &c. — Secretly purposing to lay an ambush of desperate wretches for him, who they knew would readily undertake to intercept and kill him by the way. “The high-priests, about this time, were, according to the account Josephus gives of them, such monsters of rapine, tyranny, and cruelty, that it is not to be wondered such a design should have been favoured by him who now bore the office. Josephus also mentions a great number of assassins at this time, called sicarii, or poniarders, from the weapons they carried, by whom many innocent persons were murdered.”

2. High priest—Ananias had been assassinated, and Agrippa, who had the power of appointment, substituted Ismael, the son of Phabi, in his place. Chief—Not merely the Sanhedrin, as before, but the eminent by rank, wealth, or learning. Informed him—Brought accusation to him. They are still vindictive after two years are past, and as prompt in their action as Festus in his.

Verses 1-3. When Festus was come into the province — And had taken possession of the government; after three days he ascended from Cesarea — The usual residence of the Roman governors; to Jerusalem — The capital city; probably, both that he might gratify his curiosity in the sight of so celebrated a place, and also that he might there, as at the fountain-head, inform himself of the present state of their public affairs. Then the high-priest, &c., informed him against Paul — In so long a time their rage was nothing cooled: so much louder a call had Paul to the Gentiles. And besought him — That he would not (as, it is probable, they pretended Lysias and Felix had done) obstruct the course of public justice against one whom they knew to be so notorious an offender; and desired favour against him — Requested of him, as a peculiar favour; that he would send for him to Jerusalem — To be judged there; laying wait, &c. — Secretly purposing to lay an ambush of desperate wretches for him, who they knew would readily undertake to intercept and kill him by the way. “The high-priests, about this time, were, according to the account Josephus gives of them, such monsters of rapine, tyranny, and cruelty, that it is not to be wondered such a design should have been favoured by him who now bore the office. Josephus also mentions a great number of assassins at this time, called sicarii, or poniarders, from the weapons they carried, by whom many innocent persons were murdered.”

V. 4. But Festus answered-So Festus's care to preserve the imperial privileges was the means of preserving Paul's life. By what invisible springs does God govern the world! With what silence, and yet with what wisdom and energy!

Verse 4. Festus answered, that Paul should be kept at Cæsarea] It is truly astonishing that Festus should refuse this favour to the heads of the Jewish nation, which, to those who were not in the secret, must appear so very reasonable; and especially as, on his coming to the government, it might be considered an act that was likely to make him popular; and he could have no interest in denying their request. But God had told Paul that he should testify of him at Rome; and he disposed the heart of Festus to act as he did; and thus disappointed the malice of the Jews, and fulfilled his own gracious design.

He-would depart shortly] So had the providence of God disposed matters that Festus was obliged to return speedily to Cæsarea; and thus had not time to preside in such a trial at Jerusalem. And this reason must appear sufficient to the Jews; and especially as he gave them all liberty to come and appear against him, who were able to prove the alleged charges.

Verses 4, 5. But Festus — Knowing their design; answered, that Paul should be kept at Cesarea — So Festus’s care to preserve the imperial privileges was the means of preserving Paul’s life! By what invisible springs does God govern the world! With what silence, and yet with what wisdom and energy! Nevertheless, Festus was willing to do them the justice of hearing what they had to say against Paul, if they would go down with him to Cesarea, and appear against him there. Let them, said he, which among you are able — Who are best able to undertake the journey, and to manage the cause; go down with me, and accuse this man — In my hearing: or, let those go and give in their evidence that are competent witnesses, and are able to prove any thing criminal upon him; if there be any wickedness in him — For which he ought to be punished according to the Roman laws. So he does not pass sentence before he hears the cause, nor take it for granted that there was wickedness in him till it should be proved upon him, and he had been heard in his own defence.

Ver. 4. But Festus answered that Paul should be kept at Cæsarea. For the present he put them off with the promise of a new trial, from which it would appear that he fully knew the cause and character of Paul; his virtues, his talents, his learning, and also that he was a Roman. This was as much as could for the present be expected from a man high in office, and unacquainted with regenerating grace.

4. Festus answered—Festus, in verse 16, reports himself to have given a nobler answer than Luke here narrates. That report shows that he could conceive what the magnanimous course would be; but that report (verse 15) also says that they asked summary judgment against Paul untried. Both answers may therefore have really been made. The Jews probably first asked as a favour (verse 15) that Paul might be executed without farther trial, and to that Festus gave (verse 16) his peremptory Roman negative. They then requested that he be sent to Jerusalem to be tried, which appeared not an unreasonable request. But Festus’ suspicions of foul play, being awakened by their first bloody request, he gave them (verse 4) a gentle refusal.

Paul should be kept—Rather, Paul is kept, or in custody, a gentler form of refusal than the translation implies: “Paul is secure in Cesarea; I must soon be there; there let his trial be.”

V. 5. Let those of you who are able-Who are best able to undertake the journey, and to manage the cause.

If there be any wickedness in him-So he does not pass sentence before he hears the cause.

Verse 5. Let them-which among you are able] oi dunatoi, Those who have authority; for so is this word often used by good Greek authors, and by Josephus. Festus seems to have said: “I have heard clamours from the multitude relative to this man; but on such clamours no accusation should be founded: yourselves have only the voice of the multitude as the foundation of the request which you now make. I cannot take up accusations which may affect the life of a Roman citizen on such pretenses. Are there any respectable men among you; men in office and authority, whose character is a pledge for the truth of their depositions, who can prove any thing against him? If so, let these come down to Cæsarea, and the cause shall be tried before me; and thus we shall know whether he be a malefactor or not.”

Verses 4, 5. But Festus — Knowing their design; answered, that Paul should be kept at Cesarea — So Festus’s care to preserve the imperial privileges was the means of preserving Paul’s life! By what invisible springs does God govern the world! With what silence, and yet with what wisdom and energy! Nevertheless, Festus was willing to do them the justice of hearing what they had to say against Paul, if they would go down with him to Cesarea, and appear against him there. Let them, said he, which among you are able — Who are best able to undertake the journey, and to manage the cause; go down with me, and accuse this man — In my hearing: or, let those go and give in their evidence that are competent witnesses, and are able to prove any thing criminal upon him; if there be any wickedness in him — For which he ought to be punished according to the Roman laws. So he does not pass sentence before he hears the cause, nor take it for granted that there was wickedness in him till it should be proved upon him, and he had been heard in his own defence.

5. Able—Not merely those able to go, but those in power, the officials or authorities, in distinction from the chief of verse 2, who were men of weight of character. Festus required responsible accusers.

V. 6. Not more than ten days-A short space for a new governor to stay at such a city as Jerusalem. He could not with any convenience have heard and decided the cause of Paul within that time.

Verse 6. When he had tarried-more than ten days] The strangeness of this mode of expression suggests the thought that our printed text is not quite correct in this place; and this suspicion is confirmed by an examination of MSS. and versions: hmerav ou pleiouv oktw h deka, NOT more than EIGHT OR ten days, is the reading of ABC, several others of great respectability, with the Coptic, Armenian, and Vulgate. Griesbach admits this reading into the text: and of it Professor White says, Lectio indubie genuina: “This is doubtless the genuine reading.”

Verses 6-8. And when he had tarried there more than ten days — A short time for a new governor to stay at such a city as Jerusalem; he went down to Cesarea — As he had said, several of the Jews attending him, as being determined to lose no time, but to prosecute the affair in the most strenuous manner they possibly could; and the next day sitting in the judgment-seat — As the governor used to do, when any cause of consequence was brought before him; commanded Paul to be brought — And make his appearance. And the Jews, standing round about — An expression which intimates that there were many of them; laid many and grievous complaints against Paul — Doubtless like those which Tertullus had formerly advanced before Felix; which they could not prove — By proper witnesses. When many accusations against any one are heaped, frequently not one of them is true. While he answered, Neither against the law of the Jews, &c. — I openly deny their charge in every branch of it, and challenge them to make it out by proper evidence in any instance, or in any degree. To a general charge a general answer was sufficient.

6. More than ten days—Not so shortly, perhaps, as his answer in verse 4 implied; but his length of stay may have been in itself complimentary. But a better reading of the Greek text is not more than eight or ten days, which implies a keeping of his promise.

V. 7. Bringing many accusations-When many accusations are heaped together, frequently not one of them is true.

Verse 7. The Jews-laid many and grievous complaints against Paul] As they must have perceived that the Roman governors would not intermeddle with questions of their law, &c., they no doubt invented some new charges, such as sedition, treason, &c., in order to render the mind of the governor evil affected towards Paul; but their malicious designs were defeated, for assertion would not go for proof before a Roman tribunal: this court required proof, and the blood-thirsty persecutors of the apostle could produce none.

Verses 6-8. And when he had tarried there more than ten days — A short time for a new governor to stay at such a city as Jerusalem; he went down to Cesarea — As he had said, several of the Jews attending him, as being determined to lose no time, but to prosecute the affair in the most strenuous manner they possibly could; and the next day sitting in the judgment-seat — As the governor used to do, when any cause of consequence was brought before him; commanded Paul to be brought — And make his appearance. And the Jews, standing round about — An expression which intimates that there were many of them; laid many and grievous complaints against Paul — Doubtless like those which Tertullus had formerly advanced before Felix; which they could not prove — By proper witnesses. When many accusations against any one are heaped, frequently not one of them is true. While he answered, Neither against the law of the Jews, &c. — I openly deny their charge in every branch of it, and challenge them to make it out by proper evidence in any instance, or in any degree. To a general charge a general answer was sufficient.

Ver. 7. The jews — laid many and grievous complaints against Paul, which they could not prove. The new trial terminated like the old one, in showing their malice and unbelief. But Festus, leaning as far as he could to the jews, asked Paul whether he would wave his privilege as a Roman, and be tried at Jerusalem. This favour Paul refused, having already been at their bar.

7. Was come—Festus seats himself upon the bema, or judicial elevation; his council (verse 12) or assessors are seated beside him; Paul is called from the guard room of the palace, and the Jews earnestly press around the tribunal. Could not prove—The court was not convinced by the evidence. (See verse 18.)

V. 8. While he answered-To a general charge a general answer was sufficient.

Verse 8. While he answered for himself] In this instance St. Luke gives only a general account, both of the accusations and of St. Paul’s defense. But, from the words in this verse, the charges appear to have been threefold: 1. That he had broken the law. 2. That he had defiled the temple.

3. That he dealt in treasonable practices: to all of which he no doubt answered particularly; though we have nothing farther here than this, Neither against the law of the Jews, neither against the temple, nor yet against Cæsar, have I offended any thing at all.

Verses 6-8. And when he had tarried there more than ten days — A short time for a new governor to stay at such a city as Jerusalem; he went down to Cesarea — As he had said, several of the Jews attending him, as being determined to lose no time, but to prosecute the affair in the most strenuous manner they possibly could; and the next day sitting in the judgment-seat — As the governor used to do, when any cause of consequence was brought before him; commanded Paul to be brought — And make his appearance. And the Jews, standing round about — An expression which intimates that there were many of them; laid many and grievous complaints against Paul — Doubtless like those which Tertullus had formerly advanced before Felix; which they could not prove — By proper witnesses. When many accusations against any one are heaped, frequently not one of them is true. While he answered, Neither against the law of the Jews, &c. — I openly deny their charge in every branch of it, and challenge them to make it out by proper evidence in any instance, or in any degree. To a general charge a general answer was sufficient.

8. Answered—The three neithers of his answer indicate what were the three charges, namely, heresy against the law of the Jews, sacrilege against the temple, and treason against Cesar. This last charge of treason is new, and is probably founded on Paul’s assertion of the kingship of Jesus.

V. 9. Art thou willing to go up to Jerusalem-Festus could have ordered this without asking Paul. But God secretly overruled the whole, that he might have an occasion of appealing to Rome.

Verse 9. Willing to do the Jews a pleasure] This was merely to please them, and conciliate their esteem; for he knew that, as Paul was a Roman citizen, he could not oblige him to take a new trial at Jerusalem.

Verses 9-12. But Festus, willing to do the Jews a pleasure — To ingratiate himself with them by a popular action, at the beginning of his government; to gratify the prosecutors rather than the prisoner, as far as he could go with safety against one that was a citizen of Rome; answered Paul, Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem and there be judged? — Festus could have ordered this without asking Paul. But God secretly overruled the whole, that he might have an occasion of appealing to Rome. In suffering times the prudence of the Lord’s people is tried as well as their patience. Being sent forth as sheep in the midst of wolves, they have need to be wise as serpents. Then said Paul — Apprehensive of the attempt which might be made upon his life in his journey, or in the city itself; I stand at Cesar’s judgment-seat — For all the courts of the Roman governors were held in the name of the emperor, and by commission from him; where — As a Roman citizen; I ought to be judged — And I insist upon my privilege of having my cause decided there; to the Jews have I done no wrong — In any respect whatever; as thou very well knowest — As thou must have perceived clearly by what has this day been examined before thee. Or, Festus might know that Paul had done the Jews no wrong, from the relation Felix had made unto him, as also from such as were present with Felix when Paul’s cause was heard. Thus it very well becomes those that are innocent to plead their innocence, and to insist upon it; it is a debt we owe to our own good name, not only not to bear false witness against ourselves, but to maintain our own integrity against those who bear false witness against us. For if I be an offender, &c. — If I have injured the Jews, and my fault be such as by law deserves death, I ask no favour; I refuse not to die — But will willingly accept the punishment of mine iniquity. But if — As I know in my own conscience, and as thou, from the course of this trial, hast the greatest reason to believe; there be none of these things — That is, that these things, whereof they accuse me — Have had no existence, and that their accusations proceed from malice, and are founded on falsehood; no man may deliver me unto them — Nor can, without palpable injustice. He expresses himself modestly, but his meaning is, Thou canst not deliver me to them; it being a governor’s business, as much to protect the innocent, as to punish the guilty. I appeal unto Cesar — Which any Roman citizen might do before sentence was passed. Then Festus, when he had conferred with the council — It was customary for a considerable number of persons of distinction to attend the Roman governors into the provinces. These constituted a kind of council, with whom they frequently advised; answered — Having called in the prisoner; Hast thou appealed unto Cesar? unto Cesar shalt thou go — For how desirous soever I am to oblige the people of my province, I will never allow myself, upon any occasion, to violate the privileges of a Roman citizen. Festus, therefore, gave proper orders for conveying him to Rome as soon as possible, that he might be there presented before the emperor himself; and, in the mean time, Paul was remanded to his confinement, and his accusers returned to Jerusalem a second time, with the mortification of not having been able to accomplish their purpose against him.

9. Wilt thou—Festus is aware that as a Roman citizen Paul cannot be obliged to undergo trial by the Jews. He probably does not expect that Paul will consent. But he will do the Jews the pleasure of making the query. Before me—He offers to preside at the trial before the Sanhedrin as a safeguard of justice. But Paul has had enough of Jewish treachery, and knows whither his Providential destiny points.

V. 10. I am standing at Cesar's judgment seat-For all the courts of the Roman governors were held in the name of the emperor, and by commission from him.

No man can give me up-He expresses it modestly: the meaning is, Thou canst not.

I appeal to Cesar-Which any Roman citizen might do before sentence was passed.

Verse 10. I stand at Cæsar’s judgment seat] Every procurator represented the person of the emperor in the province over which he presided; and, as the seat of government was at Cæsarea, and Paul was now before the tribunal on which the emperor’s representative sat, he could say, with the strictest propriety, that he stood before Cæsar’s judgment seat, where, as a freeman of Rome, he should be tried. As thou very well knowest.] The record of this trial before Felix was undoubtedly left for the inspection of Festus; for, as he left the prisoner to his successor, he must also leave the charges against him, and the trial which he had undergone. Besides, Festus must be assured of his innocence, from the trial through which he had just now passed.

Verses 9-12. But Festus, willing to do the Jews a pleasure — To ingratiate himself with them by a popular action, at the beginning of his government; to gratify the prosecutors rather than the prisoner, as far as he could go with safety against one that was a citizen of Rome; answered Paul, Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem and there be judged? — Festus could have ordered this without asking Paul. But God secretly overruled the whole, that he might have an occasion of appealing to Rome. In suffering times the prudence of the Lord’s people is tried as well as their patience. Being sent forth as sheep in the midst of wolves, they have need to be wise as serpents. Then said Paul — Apprehensive of the attempt which might be made upon his life in his journey, or in the city itself; I stand at Cesar’s judgment-seat — For all the courts of the Roman governors were held in the name of the emperor, and by commission from him; where — As a Roman citizen; I ought to be judged — And I insist upon my privilege of having my cause decided there; to the Jews have I done no wrong — In any respect whatever; as thou very well knowest — As thou must have perceived clearly by what has this day been examined before thee. Or, Festus might know that Paul had done the Jews no wrong, from the relation Felix had made unto him, as also from such as were present with Felix when Paul’s cause was heard. Thus it very well becomes those that are innocent to plead their innocence, and to insist upon it; it is a debt we owe to our own good name, not only not to bear false witness against ourselves, but to maintain our own integrity against those who bear false witness against us. For if I be an offender, &c. — If I have injured the Jews, and my fault be such as by law deserves death, I ask no favour; I refuse not to die — But will willingly accept the punishment of mine iniquity. But if — As I know in my own conscience, and as thou, from the course of this trial, hast the greatest reason to believe; there be none of these things — That is, that these things, whereof they accuse me — Have had no existence, and that their accusations proceed from malice, and are founded on falsehood; no man may deliver me unto them — Nor can, without palpable injustice. He expresses himself modestly, but his meaning is, Thou canst not deliver me to them; it being a governor’s business, as much to protect the innocent, as to punish the guilty. I appeal unto Cesar — Which any Roman citizen might do before sentence was passed. Then Festus, when he had conferred with the council — It was customary for a considerable number of persons of distinction to attend the Roman governors into the provinces. These constituted a kind of council, with whom they frequently advised; answered — Having called in the prisoner; Hast thou appealed unto Cesar? unto Cesar shalt thou go — For how desirous soever I am to oblige the people of my province, I will never allow myself, upon any occasion, to violate the privileges of a Roman citizen. Festus, therefore, gave proper orders for conveying him to Rome as soon as possible, that he might be there presented before the emperor himself; and, in the mean time, Paul was remanded to his confinement, and his accusers returned to Jerusalem a second time, with the mortification of not having been able to accomplish their purpose against him.

Ver. 10. I stand at Cæsar’s judgment-seat, where I ought to be judged. By this time Paul’s case would be of interest to the oriental world; and all impartial men would espouse his cause. The all-wise God allowed it, that all men might know the glory of Christ, and the glorious gospel for which his servant suffered, as a confessor of the faith. Festus could not disallow his appeal to Cæsar, without depriving him of his prerogative as a Roman citizen, and violating a written law of the Roman people. — We have in Gagnæus’s commentary, a record of St. Chrysogonus, and some other nobles, or citizens of Rome, who made the like appeal to Cæsar. To the jews have I done no wrong, as thou very well knowest. This declaration put Festus in a dilemma between the innocence of Paul, and the eager solicitude of the jews for his destruction. The appeal to Cæsar quite relieved the feelings of Festus.

10. Cesar’s judgment seat—Every Roman bema, or tribunal, was Cesar’s judgment seat, including the court of Festus. Where I ought to be judged—And not before a Jewish Sanhedrin. Very well knowest—From their failure of proof on the present occasion. Such was Festus’ own statement, (verse 18.)

Verse 11. For if I be an offender] If it can be proved that I have broken the laws, so as to expose me to capital punishment, I do not wish to save my life by subterfuges; I am before the only competent tribunal; here my business should be ultimately decided.

No man may deliver me unto them] The words of the apostle are very strong and appropriate. The Jews asked as a favour, carin, from Festus, that he would send Paul to Jerusalem, Acts 25:3. Festus, willing to do the Jews carin, this favour, asked Paul if he would go to Jerusalem, and there be judged, Acts 25:9. Paul says, I have done nothing amiss, either against the Jews or against Cæsar; therefore no man me dunatai autoiv carisasqai, can make a PRESENT of me to them; that is, favour them so far as to put my life into their hands, and thus gratify them by my death. Festus, in his address to Agrippa, Acts 25:16, admits this, and uses the same form of speech: It is not the custom of the Romans, carizesqai, gratuitously to give up any one, &c. Much of the beauty of this passage is lost by not attending to the original words. See Clarke on “Acts 25:16”.

I appeal unto Cæsar.] A freeman of Rome, who had been tried for a crime, and sentence passed on him, had a right to appeal to the emperor, if he conceived the sentence to be unjust; but, even before the sentence was pronounced, he had the privilege of an appeal, in criminal cases, if he conceived that the judge was doing any thing contrary to the laws. ANTE sententiam appellari potest in criminali negotio, si judex contra leges hoc faciat.-GROTIUS.

An appeal to the emperor was highly respected. The Julian law condemned those magistrates, and others having authority, as violaters of the public peace, who had put to death, tortured, scourged, imprisoned, or condemned any Roman citizen who had appealed to Cæsar. Lege Julia de vi publica damnatur, qui aliqua potestate præditus, Civem Romanum ad Imperatorem appellantem necarit, necarive jusserit, torserit, verberauerit, condemnaverit, in publica vincula duci jusserit. Pauli Recept. Sent. lib. v. t. 26.

This law was so very sacred and imperative, that, in the persecution under Trajan, Pliny would not attempt to put to death Roman citizens who were proved to have turned Christians; hence, in his letter to Trajan, lib. x. Ep. 97, he says, Fuerunt alii similis amentiæ, quos, quia cives Romani erant, annotavi in urbem remittendos. ‘There were others guilty of similar folly, whom, finding them to be Roman citizens, I have determined to send to the city.” Very likely these had appealed to Cæsar.

Verses 9-12. But Festus, willing to do the Jews a pleasure — To ingratiate himself with them by a popular action, at the beginning of his government; to gratify the prosecutors rather than the prisoner, as far as he could go with safety against one that was a citizen of Rome; answered Paul, Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem and there be judged? — Festus could have ordered this without asking Paul. But God secretly overruled the whole, that he might have an occasion of appealing to Rome. In suffering times the prudence of the Lord’s people is tried as well as their patience. Being sent forth as sheep in the midst of wolves, they have need to be wise as serpents. Then said Paul — Apprehensive of the attempt which might be made upon his life in his journey, or in the city itself; I stand at Cesar’s judgment-seat — For all the courts of the Roman governors were held in the name of the emperor, and by commission from him; where — As a Roman citizen; I ought to be judged — And I insist upon my privilege of having my cause decided there; to the Jews have I done no wrong — In any respect whatever; as thou very well knowest — As thou must have perceived clearly by what has this day been examined before thee. Or, Festus might know that Paul had done the Jews no wrong, from the relation Felix had made unto him, as also from such as were present with Felix when Paul’s cause was heard. Thus it very well becomes those that are innocent to plead their innocence, and to insist upon it; it is a debt we owe to our own good name, not only not to bear false witness against ourselves, but to maintain our own integrity against those who bear false witness against us. For if I be an offender, &c. — If I have injured the Jews, and my fault be such as by law deserves death, I ask no favour; I refuse not to die — But will willingly accept the punishment of mine iniquity. But if — As I know in my own conscience, and as thou, from the course of this trial, hast the greatest reason to believe; there be none of these things — That is, that these things, whereof they accuse me — Have had no existence, and that their accusations proceed from malice, and are founded on falsehood; no man may deliver me unto them — Nor can, without palpable injustice. He expresses himself modestly, but his meaning is, Thou canst not deliver me to them; it being a governor’s business, as much to protect the innocent, as to punish the guilty. I appeal unto Cesar — Which any Roman citizen might do before sentence was passed. Then Festus, when he had conferred with the council — It was customary for a considerable number of persons of distinction to attend the Roman governors into the provinces. These constituted a kind of council, with whom they frequently advised; answered — Having called in the prisoner; Hast thou appealed unto Cesar? unto Cesar shalt thou go — For how desirous soever I am to oblige the people of my province, I will never allow myself, upon any occasion, to violate the privileges of a Roman citizen. Festus, therefore, gave proper orders for conveying him to Rome as soon as possible, that he might be there presented before the emperor himself; and, in the mean time, Paul was remanded to his confinement, and his accusers returned to Jerusalem a second time, with the mortification of not having been able to accomplish their purpose against him.

11. Refuse not to die—I accept the penalty which the law of the empire decides. Deliver me—Make a gracious present of me. He insists upon Roman law and justice instead of being bandied about by the favour of one party to another. Appeal unto Cesar—By this memorable sentence the apostle irrevocably transfers himself to Rome.

V. 12. The council-It was customary for a considerable number of persons of distinction to attend the Roman governors. These constituted a kind of council, with whom they frequently advised.

Verse 12. Conferred with the council] From this circumstance, we may learn that the appeal of Paul to Cæsar was conditional; else Festus could not have deliberated with his council whether it should be granted; for he had no power to refuse to admit such an appeal. We may, therefore, understand Paul thus: “I now stand before a tribunal where I ought to be judged; if thou refuse to hear and try this cause, rather than go to Jerusalem, I appeal to Cæsar.” Festus, therefore, consulted with the council, whether he should proceed to try the cause, or send Paul to Rome; and it appears that the majority were of opinion that he should be sent to Cæsar.

Hast thou appealed unto Cæsar, &c.] Rather, Thou hast appealed unto Cæsar, and to Cæsar thou shalt go. The Jews were disappointed of their hope; and Festus got his hand creditably drawn out of a business with which he was likely to have been greatly embarrassed.

Verses 9-12. But Festus, willing to do the Jews a pleasure — To ingratiate himself with them by a popular action, at the beginning of his government; to gratify the prosecutors rather than the prisoner, as far as he could go with safety against one that was a citizen of Rome; answered Paul, Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem and there be judged? — Festus could have ordered this without asking Paul. But God secretly overruled the whole, that he might have an occasion of appealing to Rome. In suffering times the prudence of the Lord’s people is tried as well as their patience. Being sent forth as sheep in the midst of wolves, they have need to be wise as serpents. Then said Paul — Apprehensive of the attempt which might be made upon his life in his journey, or in the city itself; I stand at Cesar’s judgment-seat — For all the courts of the Roman governors were held in the name of the emperor, and by commission from him; where — As a Roman citizen; I ought to be judged — And I insist upon my privilege of having my cause decided there; to the Jews have I done no wrong — In any respect whatever; as thou very well knowest — As thou must have perceived clearly by what has this day been examined before thee. Or, Festus might know that Paul had done the Jews no wrong, from the relation Felix had made unto him, as also from such as were present with Felix when Paul’s cause was heard. Thus it very well becomes those that are innocent to plead their innocence, and to insist upon it; it is a debt we owe to our own good name, not only not to bear false witness against ourselves, but to maintain our own integrity against those who bear false witness against us. For if I be an offender, &c. — If I have injured the Jews, and my fault be such as by law deserves death, I ask no favour; I refuse not to die — But will willingly accept the punishment of mine iniquity. But if — As I know in my own conscience, and as thou, from the course of this trial, hast the greatest reason to believe; there be none of these things — That is, that these things, whereof they accuse me — Have had no existence, and that their accusations proceed from malice, and are founded on falsehood; no man may deliver me unto them — Nor can, without palpable injustice. He expresses himself modestly, but his meaning is, Thou canst not deliver me to them; it being a governor’s business, as much to protect the innocent, as to punish the guilty. I appeal unto Cesar — Which any Roman citizen might do before sentence was passed. Then Festus, when he had conferred with the council — It was customary for a considerable number of persons of distinction to attend the Roman governors into the provinces. These constituted a kind of council, with whom they frequently advised; answered — Having called in the prisoner; Hast thou appealed unto Cesar? unto Cesar shalt thou go — For how desirous soever I am to oblige the people of my province, I will never allow myself, upon any occasion, to violate the privileges of a Roman citizen. Festus, therefore, gave proper orders for conveying him to Rome as soon as possible, that he might be there presented before the emperor himself; and, in the mean time, Paul was remanded to his confinement, and his accusers returned to Jerusalem a second time, with the mortification of not having been able to accomplish their purpose against him.

12. Council—A judge was bound by law to admit the appeal, except in cases excluding delay, such as pirates, notorious robbers, leaders of seditions and factions taken in the act. Hast thou—It is now agreed among scholars that this is not an interrogation, but an affirmation. Thou hast appealed unto Cesar, unto Cesar wilt thou go. As this was the proper announcement of the result of the consultation, a question would be out of place. Cesar was originally the proper name of Julius Cesar, who established the Roman imperial power on the ruins of the old republic; afterward it was adopted as the permanent titular name of the successive emperors.

4. Agreement and Preparation for Paul’s Speech before Agrippa II., 13-27. King Agrippa II., whose history we have given in our Hist. Revelation, 21:17, was now residing in his ancestral palace at Cesarea Philippi. (Note Matthew 16:13.) The Herod family lost no opportunity to court the Roman officials, and Agrippa would pay an early visit of congratulation to Festus. We have had a sight of Drusilla in the last chapter; her sister Bernice now appears magnificently in view.

V. 13. Agrippa-The son of Herod Agrippa, Acts 12:1; and Bernice-His sister, with whom he lived in a scandalous familiarity. This was the person whom Titus Vespasian so passionately loved, that he would have made her empress, had not the clamours of the Romans prevented it.

Verse 13. King Agrippa] This was the son of Herod Agrippa, who is mentioned Acts 12:1. Upon the death of his father’s youngest brother, Herod, he succeeded him in the kingdom of Chalcis, by the favour of the Emperor Claudius: Jos. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 4, s. 2; and Bell. lib. ii. cap. 12, s. 1. Afterwards, Claudius removed him from that kingdom to a larger one, giving him the tetrarchy of Philip, which contained Trachonitis, Batanea, and Gaulonitis. He gave him, likewise, the tetrarchy of Lysanias, and the province which Varus had governed. Jos. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 6, s. 1; Bell. lib. ii. cap. 19, s. 8. Nero made a farther addition, and gave him four cities, Abila, Julias in Peræa, Tarichæa and Tiberias in Galilee: Jos. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 7, s. 4; Bell. lib. ii. cap 13, s. 2. Claudius gave him the power of appointing the high priest among the Jews; Joseph. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 1, s. 3; and instances of his exercising this power may be seen in Joseph. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 7, s. 8, 11. This king was strongly attached to the Romans, and did every thing in his power to prevent the Jews from rebelling against them; and, when he could not prevail, he united his troops to those of Titus, and assisted in the siege of Jerusalem: he survived the ruin of his country several years. See Bishop Pearce and Calmet.

Bernice, or, as she is sometimes called, Berenice, was sister of this Agrippa, and of the Drusilla mentioned Acts 24:24: She was at first married to her uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, Jos. Antiq. lib. xix. cap. 9, s. 1; and, on his death, went to live with her brother Agrippa, with whom she was violently suspected to lead an incestuous life. Juvenal, as usual, mentions this in the broadest manner-Sat. vi. ver. 155:- Deinde adamas notissimus, et Berenices

In digito factus pretiosior: hunc dedit olim

Barbarus incestæ, dedit hunc Agrippa sorori.

“Next, a most valuable diamond, rendered more precious by being put on the finger of Berenice; a barbarian gave it to this incestuous woman formerly; and Agrippa gave this to his sister.” Josephus mentions the report of her having criminal conversation with her brother Agrippa, fhmhv episcoushv, oti tudelfw sunhei. To shield herself from this scandal, she persuaded Polemo, king of Cilicia, to embrace the Jewish religion, and marry her; this he was induced to do on account of her great riches; but she soon left him, and he revolted to heathenism: see Jos. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 7, s. 3. After this, she lived often with her brother, and her life was by no means creditable; she had, however, address to ingratiate herself with Titus Vespasian, and there were even rumours of her becoming empress-propterque insignem reginæ Berenices amorem, cui etiam nuptias pollicitus ferebatur.-Suet. in Vit. Titi. Which was prevented by the murmurs of the Roman people: Berenicen statim ab urbe dimisit, invitus invitam.-Ibid. Tacitus also, Hist. lib. ii. cap. 1, speaks of her love intrigue with Titus. From all accounts she must have been a woman of great address; and, upon the whole, an exceptionable character.

Verse 13. And after certain days, &c. — We have here the preparation that was made for another hearing of Paul before King Agrippa, not in order to his giving judgment upon him, but in order to his giving advice concerning him, or rather, only to gratify his curiosity. Christ had said concerning his disciples, and particularly concerning his apostles, that they should be brought before governors and kings, and here we find his prediction accomplished. The preceding verses inform us of Paul’s being brought before Festus the governor, and the following of his being brought before Agrippa the king, for a testimony to both. King Agrippa and Bernice — His sister, with whom he lived in a scandalous familiarity; came to Cesarea to salute Festus — To congratulate him on his arrival in the province. The prince, here mentioned, was the son of Herod Agrippa, mentioned Acts 12:1, (where see the note,) and grandson of Aristobulus, the son of Herod the Great. As he was but seventeen years of age when his father died, the Emperor Claudius did not think proper to appoint him king of Judea in the room of his father, but made it a Roman province; however, on the death of his uncle, Herod Antipas, (of whom see note on Matthew 14:1,) he made him king of Chalcis, which, after he had governed it four years, he exchanged for a greater kingdom, and gave him the tetrarchies of Philip and Lysanias, to which Nero afterward added part of Galilee, with several towns in Peræa. Of Bernice’s incestuous commerce with this Agrippa, Juvenal speaks, Sat. 6. verse 155, as well as Josephus, Antiq., lib. 20. cap. 7. It is certain this lady had first been married to her own uncle, Herod, king of Chalcis; after whose death, on the report of her scandalous familiarity with her brother Agrippa, she married Polemon, king of Cilicia, whom she soon forsook, though he had submitted to circumcision to obtain the alliance. This was also the person whom Titus Vespasian so passionately loved, and whom he would have made empress, had not the clamours of the Roman people prevented it.

Ver. 13. After certain days, king Agrippa and Bernice came — to salute Festus. He was son of Herod Agrippa, whom the angel of the Lord smote in the midst of his festivity at Cæsarea, and not long after he had beheaded James the apostle, and brother of John; both sons of thunder. Of Bernice, we gather from Josephus, and from Tacitus, that she was the sister of Herod, and eldest daughter of Herod the great. In early years, she had been contracted with the approbation of Claudius Cæsar, to Mark, son of Lysimachus, alabarch of Alexandria; but he having died before the consummation of the marriage, her father had given her to his own brother, Herod, king of Chalcis, an incestuous marriage, according to the Hebrew law. Leviticus 18. Calvin, at the end of the pentateuch, reprinted at Geneva in the year 1503 a collocation of the Mosaic and the Roman laws, by Theodore Beza Vezelius, which in very many of the precepts exhibits a striking coincidence. In the twelve tables of those laws, this marriage of Bernice with her uncle is prohibited. Other things are said against her, which, in this place, do not illustrate the case of Paul.

Verse 14. Declared Paul’s cause unto the king] Festus knew that Agrippa was better acquainted with such matters than he was; and he wished, in some sort, to make him a party in this business.

Verses 14-16. When they had been there many days — Among other subjects of discourse which occurred, Festus declared Paul’s cause unto the king — For, as the crime of which he was accused related wholly to the Jewish religion, in which the king was very knowing, Festus wished to have his opinion upon it; and for that purpose began telling him that Felix had left Paul in bonds, and that the chief priests and elders at Jerusalem had applied to him, desiring judgment against him — As upon a previous conviction falsely pretended. To whom I answered, It is not the manner of the Romans — When a crime is charged upon a person; to deliver any man to be put to death before he who is accused have the accusers — Openly produced to give their evidence against him; face to face, and he have also license to answer for himself — To make his defence; concerning the crime laid against him — How excellent a rule, to condemn no one unheard! A rule which, as it is common to all nations, (courts of inquisition only excepted,) so it ought to direct our proceedings in all affairs, not only in public but private life.

14. Many days—It would not do to bring a case of business forward too soon. Paul’s cause unto the king—New in office, and entirely ignorant both of Christianity and of the interior of the Jewish theology, Festus turns to Agrippa for aid. The father of Agrippa and Bernice was both studious and zealous in regard to the rites and tenets of Judaism; and they were, no doubt, themselves fully indoctrinated. Nor is it to be doubted that they had a knowledge of the history of Jesus traditional in their family. They were fully acquainted with the excitement produced by the marvellous conversion of Saul of Tarsus. (Acts 26:26.) Agrippa was precisely the man, therefore, to counsel Festus, and both he and Bernice were persons sure to be interested in seeing and hearing the leader of the Christians.

V. 15. Desiring judgment against him-As upon a previous conviction, which they falsely pretended.

Verse 15. Desiring to have judgment against him.] Instead of dikhn, judgment, katadikhn, condemnation, sentence of death, is the reading of ABC, and several others, which is probably genuine. This is evidently the meaning of the place, whichever reading we prefer. Nothing could satisfy these men but the death of the apostle. It was not justice they wanted, but his destruction.

Verses 14-16. When they had been there many days — Among other subjects of discourse which occurred, Festus declared Paul’s cause unto the king — For, as the crime of which he was accused related wholly to the Jewish religion, in which the king was very knowing, Festus wished to have his opinion upon it; and for that purpose began telling him that Felix had left Paul in bonds, and that the chief priests and elders at Jerusalem had applied to him, desiring judgment against him — As upon a previous conviction falsely pretended. To whom I answered, It is not the manner of the Romans — When a crime is charged upon a person; to deliver any man to be put to death before he who is accused have the accusers — Openly produced to give their evidence against him; face to face, and he have also license to answer for himself — To make his defence; concerning the crime laid against him — How excellent a rule, to condemn no one unheard! A rule which, as it is common to all nations, (courts of inquisition only excepted,) so it ought to direct our proceedings in all affairs, not only in public but private life.

15. Judgment—(Note verse 4.)

V. 16. It is not the custom of the Romans-How excellent a rule, to condemn no one unheard! A rule, which as it is common to all nations, (courts of inquisition only excepted,) so it ought to direct our proceedings in all affairs, not only in public, but private life.

Verse 16. It is not the manner of the Romans to deliver any man to die] carizesqai tina anqrwpon, To MAKE A PRESENT of any man; gratuitously to give up the life of any man, through favour or caprice. Here is a reference to the subject discussed on Acts 25:11. Before that he which is accused have the accusers face to face, &c.] For this righteous procedure the Roman laws were celebrated over the civilized world. APPIAN, in his Hist. Roman., says: ou patrion sfisin akritouv katadikazesqai. It is not their custom to condemn men before they have been heard. And PHILO Deuteronomy Præsid. Rom., says: tote gar koinouv eautouv parecontev dikastav ex isou, kai twn kathgorwn kai apologoumenwn akouomenoi, mhdenov akitou prokataginwskein axiountev, ebrabeuon oute prov ecqran, oute prov carin, alla prov thn fusin thv alhqeiav, ta doxanta einai dikaia. “For then, by giving sentence in common, and hearing impartially both plaintiff and defendant, not thinking it right to condemn any person unheard, they decided as appeared to them to be just; without either enmity or favour, but according to the merits of the case.” See Bp. Pearce. England can boast such laws, not only in her statute books, but in constant operation in all her courts of justice. Even the king himself, were he so inclined, could not imprison nor punish a man without the regular procedure of the law; and twelve honest men, before whom the evidence has been adduced, the case argued, and the law laid down and explained, are ultimately to judge whether the man be guilty or not guilty. Here, in this favoured country, are no arbitrary imprisonments-no Bastiles-no lettres de cachet. Lex facit Regem: the law makes the king, says Bracton, and the king is the grand executor and guardian of the laws-laws, in the eyes of which the character, property, and life of every subject are sacred.

Verses 14-16. When they had been there many days — Among other subjects of discourse which occurred, Festus declared Paul’s cause unto the king — For, as the crime of which he was accused related wholly to the Jewish religion, in which the king was very knowing, Festus wished to have his opinion upon it; and for that purpose began telling him that Felix had left Paul in bonds, and that the chief priests and elders at Jerusalem had applied to him, desiring judgment against him — As upon a previous conviction falsely pretended. To whom I answered, It is not the manner of the Romans — When a crime is charged upon a person; to deliver any man to be put to death before he who is accused have the accusers — Openly produced to give their evidence against him; face to face, and he have also license to answer for himself — To make his defence; concerning the crime laid against him — How excellent a rule, to condemn no one unheard! A rule which, as it is common to all nations, (courts of inquisition only excepted,) so it ought to direct our proceedings in all affairs, not only in public but private life.

16. Manner of the Romans—We have here a noble maxim, lying at the basis of all just jurisprudence. There is no proof that Festus violated it.

V. 18. Such things as I supposed-From their passion and vehemence.

Verse 18. They brought none accusation of such things as I supposed] It was natural for Festus, at the first view of things, to suppose that Paul must be guilty of some very atrocious crime. When he found that he had been twice snatched from the hands of the Jews; that he had been brought to Cæsarea, as a prisoner, two years before; that he had been tried once before the Sanhedrin, and once before the governor of the province; that he had now lain two years in bonds; and that the high priest and all the heads of the Jewish nation had united in accusing him, and whose condemnation they loudly demanded; when, I say, he considered all this, it was natural for him to suppose the apostle to be some flagitious wretch; but when he had tried the case, and heard their accusations and his defence, how surprised was he to find that scarcely any thing that amounted to a crime was laid to his charge; and that nothing that was laid to his charge could be proved!

Verses 18, 19. Against whom, when the accusers stood up — And offered what they had to say; they brought none accusation of such things as I supposed — From the general clamour they had made against him, as a seditious and dangerous person, they would have done. He had inferred, from the eagerness of their prosecution, and their urging the matter thus upon the Roman governors, one after another, 1st, That they had something to accuse him of, which was dangerous either to private property or to the public peace. Such were the outcries against the primitive Christians: so loud, so fierce, that the standers by, who judged of them by those outcries, could not but conclude that they were the worst of men; and, indeed, to represent them as such was the design of that clamour, as it was of that against our Saviour. 2d, That they had something to accuse him of that was cognizable in the Roman courts, and of which the governor was properly the judge; as Gallio expected, Acts 18:14. Otherwise it was absurd and ridiculous to trouble him with it. But had certain questions — Disputable matters; against him of their own superstition — Or religion rather; for, as Agrippa was a Jew, and now came to pay a visit of respect to Festus on his arrival at his province, it is improbable that he would use so rude a word as one that properly signified superstition: so that this text affords a further argument that the word deisidaimonia will admit a milder interpretation, as has been observed on Acts 17:22; and of one Jesus — Thus does Festus speak of him to whom every knee shall bow; which was dead — Or had been dead; whom Paul — Unaccountably; affirmed to be alive — Though, at the same time, he acknowledged that he had been crucified at Jerusalem, and expired on the cross. And was this a doubtful question? But why, O Festus, didst thou doubt concerning it? Only because thou didst not search into the evidence of it. Otherwise that evidence might have opened to thee till it had grown up into full conviction; and thy illustrious prisoner had led thee into the glorious liberty of the children of God!

Ver. 18-21. Against whom they brought — certain questions of their own superstition. Festus speaks here as a profane man. The version of Tremellius reads, their own religion, but he is almost solitary in giving the word that more favourable turn. Festus hoped that, as king Agrippa was a jew, he would assist him in framing a charge against the prisoner; but as the Romans had as yet issued no edict against the christians, it was difficult for him to do so.

18. Such things as I supposed—Some act of robbery or rebellion, such as was daily being perpetrated.

V. 19. But had certain questions-How coldly does he mention the things of the last importance!

And about one Jesus-Thus does Festus speak of Him, to whom every knee shall bow!

Whom Paul affirmed to be alive-And was this a doubtful question? But why, O Festus, didst thou doubt concerning it? Only because thou didst not search into the evidence of it. Otherwise that evidence might have opened to thee, till it had grown up into full conviction; and thy illustrious prisoner have led thee into the glorious liberty of the children of God.

Verse 19. Questions-of their own superstition] peri thv idiav deididaimoniav; Questions concerning their own religion. Superstition meant something as bad among the Romans as it does among us; and is it likely that Festus, only a procurator, should thus speak to Agrippa, a KING, concerning his own religion? He could not have done so without offering the highest insult. The word deisidaimonia must therefore simply mean religion-the national creed, and the national worship, as I have at large proved it to mean, in the observations at the end of Acts 17:34. And of one Jesus, which was dead, &c.] In this way does this poor heathen speak of the death and resurrection of Christ! There are many who profess Christianity that do not appear to be much farther enlightened.

Verses 18, 19. Against whom, when the accusers stood up — And offered what they had to say; they brought none accusation of such things as I supposed — From the general clamour they had made against him, as a seditious and dangerous person, they would have done. He had inferred, from the eagerness of their prosecution, and their urging the matter thus upon the Roman governors, one after another, 1st, That they had something to accuse him of, which was dangerous either to private property or to the public peace. Such were the outcries against the primitive Christians: so loud, so fierce, that the standers by, who judged of them by those outcries, could not but conclude that they were the worst of men; and, indeed, to represent them as such was the design of that clamour, as it was of that against our Saviour. 2d, That they had something to accuse him of that was cognizable in the Roman courts, and of which the governor was properly the judge; as Gallio expected, Acts 18:14. Otherwise it was absurd and ridiculous to trouble him with it. But had certain questions — Disputable matters; against him of their own superstition — Or religion rather; for, as Agrippa was a Jew, and now came to pay a visit of respect to Festus on his arrival at his province, it is improbable that he would use so rude a word as one that properly signified superstition: so that this text affords a further argument that the word deisidaimonia will admit a milder interpretation, as has been observed on Acts 17:22; and of one Jesus — Thus does Festus speak of him to whom every knee shall bow; which was dead — Or had been dead; whom Paul — Unaccountably; affirmed to be alive — Though, at the same time, he acknowledged that he had been crucified at Jerusalem, and expired on the cross. And was this a doubtful question? But why, O Festus, didst thou doubt concerning it? Only because thou didst not search into the evidence of it. Otherwise that evidence might have opened to thee till it had grown up into full conviction; and thy illustrious prisoner had led thee into the glorious liberty of the children of God!

Ver. 18-21. Against whom they brought — certain questions of their own superstition. Festus speaks here as a profane man. The version of Tremellius reads, their own religion, but he is almost solitary in giving the word that more favourable turn. Festus hoped that, as king Agrippa was a jew, he would assist him in framing a charge against the prisoner; but as the Romans had as yet issued no edict against the christians, it was difficult for him to do so.

19. Superstition—The same word as in Acts 17:22, and capable of both a good and a bad sense. One Jesus—The phraseology here indicates first that Jesus and the resurrection were debated at the interview, (verses 7 and 8,) and, second, that Festus listened with a very cool indifference.

Verse 20. I doubted of such manner of questions] Such as, whether he had broken their law, defiled their temple; or whether this Jesus, who was dead, was again raised to life.

Verses 20, 21. And because I doubted of such manner of questions — Whether they were dangerous to the state and punishable, and whether I was a competent judge of them; I asked him whether he would go to Jerusalem — I proposed that the cause should be adjourned to the Jewish courts, as best able to take cognizance of an affair of this nature. But when Paul appealed to Augustus — Being apprehensive, as I plainly perceived, of some clandestine attempt upon his life; I commanded him to be kept — Under confinement as before; till I might send him to Cesar — By some convenient opportunity.

Ver. 18-21. Against whom they brought — certain questions of their own superstition. Festus speaks here as a profane man. The version of Tremellius reads, their own religion, but he is almost solitary in giving the word that more favourable turn. Festus hoped that, as king Agrippa was a jew, he would assist him in framing a charge against the prisoner; but as the Romans had as yet issued no edict against the christians, it was difficult for him to do so.

Verse 21. Unto the hearing of Augustus] eiv thn tou sebastou diagnwsin; To the discrimination of the emperor. For, although sebastov is usually translated Augustus, and the Roman emperors generally assumed this epithet, which signifies no more than the venerable, the august, get here it seems to be used merely to express the emperor, without any reference to any of his attributes or titles.

Verses 20, 21. And because I doubted of such manner of questions — Whether they were dangerous to the state and punishable, and whether I was a competent judge of them; I asked him whether he would go to Jerusalem — I proposed that the cause should be adjourned to the Jewish courts, as best able to take cognizance of an affair of this nature. But when Paul appealed to Augustus — Being apprehensive, as I plainly perceived, of some clandestine attempt upon his life; I commanded him to be kept — Under confinement as before; till I might send him to Cesar — By some convenient opportunity.

Ver. 18-21. Against whom they brought — certain questions of their own superstition. Festus speaks here as a profane man. The version of Tremellius reads, their own religion, but he is almost solitary in giving the word that more favourable turn. Festus hoped that, as king Agrippa was a jew, he would assist him in framing a charge against the prisoner; but as the Romans had as yet issued no edict against the christians, it was difficult for him to do so.

21. Augustus—When the nephew of Julius Cesar, Octavianus became emperor the Senate decreed to him the title of Augustus, the august or worshipful; much like the more modern phrase his majesty.

Verse 22. I would also hear the man myself] A spirit of curiosity, similar to that of Herod, Luke 23:8.

As Herod, the father of this Agrippa, had been so active an instrument in endeavouring to destroy Christianity, having killed James, and was about to have put Peter to death also, had not God sent him to his own place, there is no doubt that Agrippa had heard much about Christianity; and as to St. Paul, his conversion was so very remarkable that his name, in connection with Christianity, was known, not only throughout Judea, but through all Asia Minor and Greece. Agrippa, therefore might naturally wish to see and hear a man of whom he had heard so much.

Verse 22. Then Agrippa said, I would also hear the man myself — That I may learn from his own mouth what it is that he maintains, and on what principles he proceeds. This demand the king made because he was well acquainted with the religious tenets, disputes, and expectations of the Jews, and because many wonderful things had been reported to him concerning Jesus and his disciples, and he had heard of Paul, and knew of what vast concern this question was which Festus made so light of; namely, whether Jesus was alive or not. Many great men think it below them to take cognizance of the matters of religion, except they can hear of them while they sit in judgment with authority, and act in character, like themselves. Agrippa would not, on any account, have gone to a synagogue, or religious meeting, to hear Paul preach, no more than Herod to hear Jesus; and yet they were both glad to have these persons brought before them, but only to satisfy their curiosity. To-morrow, said he, thou shalt hear him — There was a gracious providence in this for the encouragement of Paul, who seemed buried alive in his imprisonment, and deprived of almost all opportunities of doing good. We know not that any of his epistles were written during his confinement at Cesarea. What opportunity he had of doing good to his friends that visited him, or perhaps to a little congregation of them, that might assemble to hear him every Lord’s day, was but a low and narrow sphere of usefulness: so that he seemed to be thrown by as a broken vessel, in which there was no pleasure; but he has now an opportunity of preaching Christ to a great congregation, and that of great ones. Felix heard him in private concerning the faith in Christ; but Agrippa and Festus agree that he shall be heard in public. And we have reason to think that his sermon, contained in the next chapter, though it might not be so instrumental as some other of his sermons for the conversion of individual persons, yet redounded as much to the honour of Christ and Christianity as any sermon he ever preached.

Ver. 22. Then Agrippa said to Festus, I would also hear the man myself. The celebrity of Paul’s case and character had continued to attract universal attention, and made known the glory of Christ, and of his cause. When the passive graces of the christian temper shine out in the day of trial, they resemble the ores in the furnace, which shine with a brilliancy too vivid for the tender eyes of mortals. All men began to feel an interest in Paul’s case, as though it had been their own. When was it ever heard, that a man was tried three times before Roman governors, and then reserved for a fourth hearing at Rome. In all those waves and storms, the everfaithful God was with his faithful witness. But ah, how tremendous the thought, that his judges should be reserved for a final hearing.

22. I would—The Greek imperfect tense, here, implying continuity of action, seems to signify that Agrippa had long had a wish to hear Paul. This wish is a very striking parallel to his own great-uncle’s long desire to see Jesus. (Luke 23:8.)

V. 23. With the tribunes and principal men of the city-The chief officers, both military and civil.

Verse 23. With great pomp] meta pollhv fantasiav; With much phantasy, great splendour, great parade, superb attendance or splendid retinue: in this sense the Greek word is used by the best writers. Wetstein has very justly remarked, that these children of Herod the Great made this pompous appearance in that very city where, a few years before, their father, for his PRIDE, was smitten of God, and eaten up by worms! How seldom do the living lay any of God’s judgments to heart! The place of hearing] A sort of audience chamber, in the palace of Festus. This was not a trial of Paul; there were no Jews present to accuse him, and he could not be tried but at Rome, as he had appealed to Cæsar. These grandees wished to hear the man speak of his religion, and in his own defense, through a principle of curiosity.

Verses 23-27. On the morrow, &c. — Festus, accordingly, performed his promise to the king; and when Agrippa was come, and Bernice, with great pomp — Of apparel, attendants, guards, &c.; Greek, meta pollhv fantasiav, with great show, or splendour. But all this pomp and show was far outshone by the real glory of the poor prisoner at the bar. What was the honour of their fine clothes, compared with his wisdom, grace, and holiness; his courage and constancy in suffering for Christ? His bonds in so good a cause were more glorious than their chains of gold, and his guards than their equipage. Who would be fond of worldly pomp, that here sees so bad a woman loaded with it, and so good a man loaded with the reverse of it? And was entered into the place of hearing, with the chief captains, ciliarcoiv, the tribunes, and principal men of the city — Men of the greatest note and eminence, that is, the chief officers, both military and civil; at Festus’s commandment Paul was brought forth — Before this splendid audience. Then Festus said — Festus, rising up, made an elegant speech to the assembly, in which he declared that at the former trial no crime had been proved against the prisoner; but that as he had appealed to Cesar, he had brought him forth, that, after a second examination, he might have something more certain to write to the emperor concerning the crimes laid to the prisoner’s charge. For, says he, it seemeth to me unreasonable to send a prisoner — Especially so far as Rome; and not withal to signify the crimes laid against him — That the matter may be prepared as much as possible, and put in readiness, for the emperor’s determination.

23. Morrow—Paul is here not now on trial. He is beyond this jurisdiction, amenable only to the emperor’s own court at Rome. But he is to be heard, first, to gratify the interest of Agrippa and Bernice; and, second, for reasons assigned in verses 26, 27. Bernice—This fascinating but dissolute daughter of the Herodian line was now near thirty. She had been so envious of the superior beauty of her younger sister Drusilla that the latter took hasty refuge in marriage to escape her annoyances. Though inferior in beauty, Bernice was superior in success. (Hist. Revelation, 21:17, § 3.) Great pomp—It is clearly an occasion! Never had advocate for Christianity appeared before so august an assembly. Philip the evangelist, (who had indeed preached to and converted a chamberlain of the Ethiopian court,) with his little band of Cesarean Christians, had no reason that day to be ashamed of their champion. As not only Luke, but the magnates, military and civil, of Cesarea present marked the showy style of Bernice, some recollections may have occurred of the gorgeous array worn by her father on the day of his fatal oratory in this same Cesarea. (Acts 12:21.) Agrippa and Bernice were the last of the Herods! With them terminated that meteoric family, which shone with a dark brilliancy, as a strange background, through just the period of Christ and the apostolic age. The race seemed to inherit the beauty of the unfortunate Mariamne with the unscrupulousness of the first Herod; and they stand as striking representatives of the kingdom of this world in contrast with the kingdom of Christ.

Place of hearing—Evidently not the court room in which Paul had been arraigned and tried before Felix and Festus. This is a more suitable assembly room, where ladies of highest quality may be agreeably present. Paul was brought forth—The object of all this high interest now appears, and the eyes of the silent assembly are fixed upon him. A slight mercurial figure, in whom the traces of high vitality are apparent, yet worn doubtless by a two years’ confinement, is led in by a soldier with a chain fastened to his wrist.

Verses 23-27. On the morrow, &c. — Festus, accordingly, performed his promise to the king; and when Agrippa was come, and Bernice, with great pomp — Of apparel, attendants, guards, &c.; Greek, meta pollhv fantasiav, with great show, or splendour. But all this pomp and show was far outshone by the real glory of the poor prisoner at the bar. What was the honour of their fine clothes, compared with his wisdom, grace, and holiness; his courage and constancy in suffering for Christ? His bonds in so good a cause were more glorious than their chains of gold, and his guards than their equipage. Who would be fond of worldly pomp, that here sees so bad a woman loaded with it, and so good a man loaded with the reverse of it? And was entered into the place of hearing, with the chief captains, ciliarcoiv, the tribunes, and principal men of the city — Men of the greatest note and eminence, that is, the chief officers, both military and civil; at Festus’s commandment Paul was brought forth — Before this splendid audience. Then Festus said — Festus, rising up, made an elegant speech to the assembly, in which he declared that at the former trial no crime had been proved against the prisoner; but that as he had appealed to Cesar, he had brought him forth, that, after a second examination, he might have something more certain to write to the emperor concerning the crimes laid to the prisoner’s charge. For, says he, it seemeth to me unreasonable to send a prisoner — Especially so far as Rome; and not withal to signify the crimes laid against him — That the matter may be prepared as much as possible, and put in readiness, for the emperor’s determination.

24. King Agrippa—Festus now introduces the prisoner to the king, stating with due formality what of course Agrippa already knew. The apostle and king are the two principal figures in the scene.

Verses 23-27. On the morrow, &c. — Festus, accordingly, performed his promise to the king; and when Agrippa was come, and Bernice, with great pomp — Of apparel, attendants, guards, &c.; Greek, meta pollhv fantasiav, with great show, or splendour. But all this pomp and show was far outshone by the real glory of the poor prisoner at the bar. What was the honour of their fine clothes, compared with his wisdom, grace, and holiness; his courage and constancy in suffering for Christ? His bonds in so good a cause were more glorious than their chains of gold, and his guards than their equipage. Who would be fond of worldly pomp, that here sees so bad a woman loaded with it, and so good a man loaded with the reverse of it? And was entered into the place of hearing, with the chief captains, ciliarcoiv, the tribunes, and principal men of the city — Men of the greatest note and eminence, that is, the chief officers, both military and civil; at Festus’s commandment Paul was brought forth — Before this splendid audience. Then Festus said — Festus, rising up, made an elegant speech to the assembly, in which he declared that at the former trial no crime had been proved against the prisoner; but that as he had appealed to Cesar, he had brought him forth, that, after a second examination, he might have something more certain to write to the emperor concerning the crimes laid to the prisoner’s charge. For, says he, it seemeth to me unreasonable to send a prisoner — Especially so far as Rome; and not withal to signify the crimes laid against him — That the matter may be prepared as much as possible, and put in readiness, for the emperor’s determination.

Verse 26. I have no certain thing to write] Nothing alleged against him has been substantiated.

Unto my Lord] The title kuriov, Dominus, Lord, both Augustus and Tiberius had absolutely refused; and forbade, even by public edicts, the application of it to themselves. Tiberius himself was accustomed to say that he was lord only of his slaves, emperor or general of the troops, and prince of the senate. See Suetonius, in his life of this prince. The succeeding emperors were not so modest; they affected the title. Nero, the then emperor, would have it; and Pliny the younger is continually giving it to Trajan in his letters.

Verses 23-27. On the morrow, &c. — Festus, accordingly, performed his promise to the king; and when Agrippa was come, and Bernice, with great pomp — Of apparel, attendants, guards, &c.; Greek, meta pollhv fantasiav, with great show, or splendour. But all this pomp and show was far outshone by the real glory of the poor prisoner at the bar. What was the honour of their fine clothes, compared with his wisdom, grace, and holiness; his courage and constancy in suffering for Christ? His bonds in so good a cause were more glorious than their chains of gold, and his guards than their equipage. Who would be fond of worldly pomp, that here sees so bad a woman loaded with it, and so good a man loaded with the reverse of it? And was entered into the place of hearing, with the chief captains, ciliarcoiv, the tribunes, and principal men of the city — Men of the greatest note and eminence, that is, the chief officers, both military and civil; at Festus’s commandment Paul was brought forth — Before this splendid audience. Then Festus said — Festus, rising up, made an elegant speech to the assembly, in which he declared that at the former trial no crime had been proved against the prisoner; but that as he had appealed to Cesar, he had brought him forth, that, after a second examination, he might have something more certain to write to the emperor concerning the crimes laid to the prisoner’s charge. For, says he, it seemeth to me unreasonable to send a prisoner — Especially so far as Rome; and not withal to signify the crimes laid against him — That the matter may be prepared as much as possible, and put in readiness, for the emperor’s determination.

26. No certain thing to write—In case of an appeal the judge was by law required to transmit to the imperial court apostoli or literae dimissoriae, that is, a due record of the crime charged and the judicial proceedings taken.

My lord—My master, the emperor Nero. Here is another instance of Luke’s accuracy. Both the emperors Augustus and Tiberius rejected the title dominus, for which the word lord here stands, with disgust, as too servile for Romans to offer, too invidious for themselves to accept. Yet Caligula did not forbid it; and just at this time of which Luke writes the spirit of flattery was persisting in its use until it became a regular title under Domitian.

Verse 27. For it seemeth to me unreasonable, &c.] Every reader must feel the awkward situation in which Festus stood. He was about to send a prisoner to Rome, to appear before Nero, though he had not one charge to support against him; and yet he must be sent, for he had appealed to Cæsar. He hoped therefore that Agrippa, who was of the Jewish religion, would be able to discern more particularly the merits of this case; and might, after hearing Paul, direct him how to draw up those letters, which, on sending the prisoner, must be transmitted to the emperor.

This chapter ends as exceptionably as the twenty-first. It should have begun at Acts 25:13, and have been continued to the end of the twenty-sixth chapter, or both chapters have been united in one.

1. FROM St. Paul’s appeal to Cæsar, we see that it is lawful to avail ourselves, even in the cause of God, of those civil privileges with which his mercy has blessed us. It is often better to fall into the hands of the heathen than into the hands of those who, from mistaken views of religion, have their hearts filled with bitter persecuting zeal. Those who can murder a man, pretendedly for God’s sake, because he does not think exactly with them on ceremonial or speculative points of divinity, have no portion of that religion which came down from God.

2. The Jews endeavoured by every means to deny the resurrection of our Lord; and it seems to have been one part of their accusation against Paul, that he asserted that the man, Jesus, whom they had crucified, was risen from the dead. On this subject, a pious writer observes: “What a train of errors and miseries does one single instance of deceit draw after it; and what a judgment upon those, who, by corrupting the guards of the sepulchre, the witnesses of the resurrection of our Lord, have kept the whole nation in infidelity!” Thus it often happens in the world that one bad counsel, one single lie or calumny, once established, is the source of infinite evils.

3. The grand maxim of the Roman law and government, to condemn no man unheard, and to confront the accusers with the accused, should be a sacred maxim with every magistrate and minister, and among all private Christians. How many harsh judgments and uncharitable censures would this prevent! Conscientiously practised in all Christian societies, detraction, calumny, tale-bearing, whispering, backbiting, misunderstandings, with every unbrotherly affection, would necessarily be banished from the Church of God.

ACTS

Verses 23-27. On the morrow, &c. — Festus, accordingly, performed his promise to the king; and when Agrippa was come, and Bernice, with great pomp — Of apparel, attendants, guards, &c.; Greek, meta pollhv fantasiav, with great show, or splendour. But all this pomp and show was far outshone by the real glory of the poor prisoner at the bar. What was the honour of their fine clothes, compared with his wisdom, grace, and holiness; his courage and constancy in suffering for Christ? His bonds in so good a cause were more glorious than their chains of gold, and his guards than their equipage. Who would be fond of worldly pomp, that here sees so bad a woman loaded with it, and so good a man loaded with the reverse of it? And was entered into the place of hearing, with the chief captains, ciliarcoiv, the tribunes, and principal men of the city — Men of the greatest note and eminence, that is, the chief officers, both military and civil; at Festus’s commandment Paul was brought forth — Before this splendid audience. Then Festus said — Festus, rising up, made an elegant speech to the assembly, in which he declared that at the former trial no crime had been proved against the prisoner; but that as he had appealed to Cesar, he had brought him forth, that, after a second examination, he might have something more certain to write to the emperor concerning the crimes laid to the prisoner’s charge. For, says he, it seemeth to me unreasonable to send a prisoner — Especially so far as Rome; and not withal to signify the crimes laid against him — That the matter may be prepared as much as possible, and put in readiness, for the emperor’s determination.