Acts · Chapter 28

V. 1. Melita or Malta, is about twelve miles broad, twenty long, and sixty distant from Sicily to the south. It yields abundance of honey, (whence its name was taken,) with much cotton, and is very fruitful, though it has only three feet depth of earth above the solid rock. The Emperor Charles the Fifth gave it, in 1530, to the knights of Rhodes, driven out of Rhodes by the Turks. They are a thousand in number, of whom five hundred always reside on the island.

Verse 1. They knew that the island was called Melita.] There were two islands of this name: one in the Adriatic Gulf, or Gulf of Venice, on the coast of Illyricum, and near to Epidaurus; the other in the Mediterranean Sea, between Sicily and Africa, and now called Malta. It is about fifty miles from the coast of Sicily; twenty miles long, and twelve miles in its greatest breadth; and about sixty miles in circumference. It is one immense rock of white, soft freestone, with about one foot depth of earth on an average, and most of this has been brought from Sicily! It produces cotton, excellent fruits, and fine honey; from which it appears the island originally had its name; for meli, meli, and in the genitive case, melitov, melitos, signifies honey. Others suppose that it derived its name from the Phœnicians, who established a colony in it, and made it a place of refuge, when they extended their traffic to the ocean, because it was furnished with excellent harbours: (on the E. and W. shores:) hence, in their tongue, it would be called hcylm Meliteh, escape or refuge, from clm malat, to escape. The Phæacians were probably the first inhabitants of this island: they were expelled by the Phœnicians; the Phœnicians by the Greeks; the Greeks by the Carthaginians; the Carthaginians by the Romans, who possessed it in the time of the apostle; the Romans by the Goths; the Goths by the Saracens; the Saracens by the Sicilians, under Roger, earl of Sicily, in 1190. Charles V., emperor of Germany, took possession of it by his conquest of Naples and Sicily; and he gave it in 1525 to the knights of Rhodes, who are also called the knights of St. John of Jerusalem. In 1798, this island surrendered to the French, under Bonaparte, and in 1800, after a blockade of two years, the island being reduced by famine, surrendered to the British, under whose dominion it still remains (1814.) Every thing considered, there can be little doubt that this is the Melita at which St. Paul was wrecked, and not at that other island in the Adriatic, or Venitian Gulf, as high up northward as Illyricum. The following reasons make this greatly evident: 1. Tradition has unvaryingly asserted this as the place of the apostle’s shipwreck. 2. The island in the Venitian Gulf, in favour of which Mr. Bryant so learnedly contends, is totally out of the track in which the euroclydon must have driven the vessel. 3. It is said, in Acts 28:11, that another ship of Alexandria, bound, as we must suppose, for Italy, and very probably carrying wheat thither, as St. Paul’s vessel did, (Acts 27:38,) had been driven out of its course of sailing, by stress of weather, up to the Illyricum Melita, and had been for that cause obliged to winter in the isle. Now this is a supposition which, as I think, is too much of a supposition to be made. 4. In St. Paul’s voyage to Italy from Melita, on board the Alexandrian ship that had wintered there, he and his companions landed at Syracuse, Acts 28:12, 13, and from thence went to Rhegium. But if it had been the Illyrican Melita, the proper course of the ship would have been, first to Rhegium, before it reached Syracuse, and needed not to have gone to Syracuse at all; whereas, in a voyage from the present Malta to Italy, it was necessary to reach Syracuse, in Sicily, before the ship could arrive at Rhegium in Italy. See the map; and see Bp. Pearce, from whom I have extracted the two last arguments.

That Malta was possessed by the Phœnicians, before the Romans conquered it, Bochart has largely proved; and indeed the language to the present day, notwithstanding all the political vicissitudes through which the island has passed, bears sufficient evidence of its Punic origin. In the year 1761, near a place called Ben Ghisa, in this island, a sepulchral cave was discovered, in which was a square stone with an inscription in Punic or Phœnician characters, on which Sir Wm. Drummond has written a learned essay, (London, Valpy, 1810, 4to.,) which he supposes marks the burial place, at least of the ashes, of the famous Carthaginian general, Hannibal. I shall give this inscription in Samaritan characters, as being the present form of the ancient Punic, with Sir Wm. Drummond’s translation:- [Samaritan MSS. majuscule]

[Samaritan MSS. majuscule]

[Samaritan MSS. majuscule]

[Samaritan MSS. majuscule]

Chadar Beth olam kabar Chanibaal

Nakeh becaleth haveh, rach-

m dæh Amos beshuth Chanibaal ben Bar-melec.

“The inner chamber of the sanctuary of the sepulchre of Hannibal, Illustrious in the consummation of calamity.

He was beloved;

The people lament, when arrayed

In order of battle,

Hannibal the son of Bar-Melec.”

As this is a curious piece, and one of the largest remains of the Punic language now in existence, and as it helps to ascertain the ancient inhabitants of this island, I thought it not improper to insert it here. For the illustration of this and several other points of Punic antiquity, I must refer the curious reader to the essay itself.

Verse 1. When they were escaped, they knew — From some of the inhabitants who came to them; that the island — On which they were cast; was called Melita — Or, Malta. This island, which took its name from the abundance of honey found therein, (meli, in Greek, signifying honey,) lies between Africa and Sicily, about sixty miles distant from the latter country, and is about twelve miles broad, and twenty long. It consists of a chalky rock, having not more than between one and three feet depth of earth, and yet is very fertile, producing much cotton and excellent fruits. The Melitese were originally a colony of the Carthaginians, as appears from several old inscriptions in Punic characters, and from the language of the present inhabitants, the number of whom is stated to be above ninety thousand. The place on the island where Paul and his company were driven on shore is, at this day, shown to travellers, and goes by the name of St. Paul’s shore, or haven. His shipwreck here procured a kind of religious veneration to the island among Christian nations; in consequence of which, it was given, in the year of our Lord 1525, by Charles V., emperor of Germany, to the knights of Rhodes, expelled from that island by the Turks, and generally called the knights of St. John of Jerusalem. They are one thousand in number, of whom five hundred always reside on the island. In the year 1798, the French, under Bonaparte, took the island; and, in 1800, being reduced by famine, after a blockade of two years, it surrendered to the English, under whose dominion it still continues.

Verse 1. Melita, now Malta. This island seems to have been inhabited by runaways, for melim, in the language of Carthage, is to escape. It was inhabited by a colony of refugees from Carthage, a people of Phœnicia. So Dr. Lightfoot. Others say it was so called from its abounding with honey. It is about twenty miles in length, and eleven in breadth. Julius Cæsar is said, with great difficulty, to have taken it from the Carthaginians. It was given to the knights of St. John, who were driven by the Turks from the island of Rhodes. Buonaparte treacherously surprised it on his way to Egypt; and it has since been taken by the English, to whom it still belongs.

1. Escaped—The wreck of a great merchantman, and the escape of two hundred and seventy-six persons to the shore, would attract a large company of the rural population to the shore. The city of Valetta, the present capital, was but five miles distance. They knew—Either because some of them recognised some aspects of the place, or because they learned it from the inhabitants. Melita—Malta. (See map.) It is about sixty miles south of Sicily. Originally peopled by the Phoenicians, it was conquered by the Greeks, and subsequently, as in Paul’s time, belonged to the Romans. In the ninth century it was conquered by the Saracens, from whom it was won, with a heroism celebrated in history, by “the Knights of Malta.” It now is owned by England. (Note Acts 27:27.)

V. 2. And the barbarians-So the Romans and Greeks termed all nations but their own. But surely the generosity shown by these uncultivated inhabitants of Malta, was far more valuable than all the varnish which the politest education could give, where it taught not humanity and compassion.

Verse 2. The barbarous people] We have already seen that this island was peopled by the Phœnicians, or Carthaginians, as Bochart has proved, Phaleg. chap. xxvi.; and their ancient language was no doubt in use among them at that time, though mingled with some Greek and Latin terms; and this language must have been unintelligible to the Romans and the Greeks. With these, as well as with other nations, it was customary to call those barbaroi, barbarians, whose language they did not understand. St. Paul himself speaks after this manner in 1 Corinthians 14:11: If I know not the meaning of the voice, I shall be unto him that speaketh a BARBARIAN, and he that speaketh shall be a BARBARIAN unto me. Thus Herodotus also, lib. ii. 158, says, barbarouv pantav aiguptioi kaleousi touv mh sfi omoglwssouv, The Egyptians call all those BARBARIANS who have not the same language with themselves. And Ovid, when among the Getes, says, in Trist. ver. 10:-

BARBARUS hic ego sum, quia non INTELLIGOR ulli.

“Here I am a barbarian, for no person understands me.”

Various etymologies have been given of this word. I think that of Bp. Pearce the best. The Greeks who traded with the Phœnicians, formed this word from their observing that the Phœnicians were generally called by the name of their parent, with the word rb bar, prefixed to that name; as we find in the New Testament men called Bar-Jesus, Bar-Tholomeus, Bar-Jonas, Bar-Timeus, &c. Hence the Greeks called them bar&baroi, meaning the men who are called Bar Bar, or have no other names than what begin with Bar. And because the Greeks did not understand the language of the Phœnicians, their first, and the Romans in imitation of them, gave the name of Barbarians to all such as talked in a language to which they were strangers.” No other etymology need be attempted; this is its own proof; and the Bar-melec in the preceding epitaph is, at least, collateral evidence. The word barbarian is therefore no term of reproach in itself; and was not so used by ancient authors, however fashionable it may be to use it so now.

Because of the present rain and-of the cold.] This must have been sometime in October; and, when we consider the time of the year, the tempestuousness of the weather, and their escaping to shore on planks, spars, &c., wet of course to the skin, they must have been very cold, and have needed all the kindness that these well disposed people showed them. In some parts of Christianized Europe, the inhabitants would have attended on the beach, and knocked the survivors on the head, that they might convert the wreck to their own use! This barbarous people did not act in this way: they joined hands with God to make these sufferers live.

Verse 2. And the barbarous people showed us no little kindness — In our distressed circumstances; for they kindled a fire, &c., because of the present rain — Which had followed the storm; and because of the cold — With which, in our wet clothes, we were ready to perish. It must be observed, that the Romans and Greeks termed all people barbarians that differed from them in their language or customs. All mankind are therefore comprehended by the apostle under the distinction of Greeks and Barbarians, Romans 1:14. The Greeks and Romans, however, were in many respects more barbarous themselves (according to the common meaning of that term) than these islanders, who, as we learn from Diodorus Siculus, (lib. 5. page 204,) were noted for their civility to strangers, and who certainly, on this occasion, gave a striking proof of that civility. They were not, indeed, as here appears, much cultivated, but the generosity which they showed to these shipwrecked strangers was far more valuable in the sight of God, and all good men, than any varnish which the politest education could give, where it did not teach humanity and compassion.

Ver. 2. The barbarous people, a people of strange language, showed us no little kindness. Perhaps more than the polished Romans showed to the company wrecked with Simonides, the Greek poet. While the passengers were lamenting that they had lost their all, Simonides laughed at their complaints; and said, though almost in a state of nudity, he had lost nothing. He had all his riches about him, his poetic genius being unimpaired. The gentry of Rome hearing of this speech, soon supplied his wants.

2. No little kindness—To these refugees from the terrors of the storm the beaming faces even of barbarians were a welcome sunshine. Rain… cold—The wet November blasts were sweeping their bodies, ill-clad, and perhaps some of them unclad.

Verse 3. There came a viper out of the heat] We may naturally suppose that there had been fuel laid before on the fire, and that the viper was in this fuel, and that it had been revived by the heat; and, when St. Paul laid his bundle on the fire, the viper was then in a state to lay hold on his hand.

Verses 3, 4. And when Paul — Who had learned to make himself servant of all, and would stoop to any thing by which he might be serviceable, was laying on the fire a bundle of sticks — Which he had gathered; there came a viper — Which had been concealed among the wood; out of the heat, and fastened on his hand — Round which it probably twisted itself, and bit it. And when the barbarians saw the venomous beast — Or the fierce animal, as qhrion should rather be translated; the word beast being a very improper term for it; they said — Seeing also his chains; No doubt this man is a murderer — “They concluded he was a murderer, (says Elsner,) rather than a person guilty of any other crime, because they saw the viper hanging on his hand, which therefore they judged to have been the offending member, according to the rule which prevailed among the ancients, that persons were often remarkably punished in that part of the body which had been the immediate instrument of their sin;” whom, though he hath escaped the sea — Hath not been destroyed by the tempest and shipwreck; yet vengeance suffereth not (Greek, ouk eiasen, hath not suffered) to live — They looked upon him as, in effect, a dead man already, after having been bit by that venomous creature. The poison of a viper so inflames the blood, that a person infected with it is usually tormented as with fire, and quickly dies. For this reason, the ancient Scythians, in war, used to dip their arrows in the blood and gaul of vipers, that their enemies wounded by them might die a painful and sudden death. And, in some remote times, some condemned criminals were put to death by vipers set to their breasts: by this means Cleopatra despatched herself. Though dikh, (justice, or judgment,) here rendered vengeance, may be understood of the divine vengeance in general; yet, as these were the words of heathen idolaters, possibly they might refer to a deity worshipped among them under that name; as we know the Greeks and Romans had a goddess whom they termed Nemesiv, Nemesis, the daughter of Justice, who, they supposed, punished the wicked. It must give us pleasure to trace among these barbarians the force of conscience, and the belief of a particular providence; which some people of more learning have stupidly thought it philosophy to despise. But they erred in imagining that calamities must always be interpreted as judgments. Let us guard against this error, lest, like them, we condemn, not only the innocent, but the excellent of the earth.

Ver. 3. There came a viper out of the heat, a venomous beast, for the Greeks gave that name to reptiles, as well as to beasts of prey. The first thoughts of the Maltese, on seeing him loaded with a chain, and bit by a serpent, were that he was a murderer. The idea of a God of mercy and love, of judgment and equity is ever associated with the moral admonitions of conscience. But when they saw that no harm followed, they thought he was a god; for he sometimes looked like an angel, as is said by the priest of Asia, who wrote the sufferings of Thecla. He had been taken for a god at Lystra, but in the same place was presently stoned by the jews. These Maltese might know the case of Orestes, who had killed his mother, and was bit by a serpent, and died. The jews also have a record in the Gemara, that when Simeon found a manslayer, but had no witness to convict him, he prayed thus, “May he who knows the thoughts of men punish thee; and presently a serpent bit him and he died.”

3. Paul had gathered—The prisoners, safe on an island from which they could not escape, were probably not yet chained again. A viper—The viper is the only viviparous species of serpent, and very venomous. There are no vipers at the present day in Malta. On that island, as in our own country, the increased density of a civilized population exterminates venomous reptiles. Out of the heat—The viper stiffens with a small degree of cold, and recovers his activity with warmth. Supposing himself assaulted, he made a fierce assault. The enraged viper will dart several feet upon his victim. Fastened—With his teeth, and, as appears by the next verse, hung to Paul’s hand until flung off.

V. 4. And when the barbarians saw-they said-Seeing also his chains, Doubtless this man is a murderer-Such rarely go unpunished even in this life;

whom vengeance hath not suffered to live-They look upon him as a dead man already.

It is with pleasure that we trace among these barbarians the force of conscience, and the belief of a particular providence: which some people of more learning have stupidly thought it philosophy to despise. But they erred in imagining, that calamities must always be interpreted as judgments. Let us guard against this, lest, like them, we condemn not only the innocent, but the excellent of the earth.

Verse 4. The venomous beast] to qhrion, The venomous animal; for qhria is a general name among the Greek writers for serpents, vipers, scorpions, wasps, and such like creatures. Though the viper fastened on Paul’s hand, it does not appear that it really bit him; but the Maltese supposed that it had, because they saw it fasten on his hand. Vengeance suffereth not to live.] These heathens had a general knowledge of retributive justice; and they thought that the stinging of the serpent was a proof that Paul was a murderer. There is a passage in Bamidbar Rabba, fol. 239, that casts some light on this place. “Although the Sanhedrin is ceased, yet are not the four deaths ceased. For he that deserves stoning either falls from his house, or a wild beast tears and devours him. He that deserves burning either falls into the fire, or a serpent bites him. He that deserves cutting of with the sword is either betrayed into the power of a heathen kingdom, or the robbers break in upon him. He that deserves strangling is either suffocated in the water, or dies of a quinsy.” See Lightfoot.

As these people were heathens, it is not likely that they had any correct notion of the justice of the true God; and therefore it is most probable that they used the word dikh, not to express the quality or attribute of any being, but the goddess Dikê, or vindictive Justice, herself, who is represented as punishing the iniquities of men.

Hesiod makes a goddess of what the Maltese called Dikh, or Justice:- H de te parqenov esti dikh, diov ekgegauia,

Kudnh tJ aidoih te qeoiv, oi olumpon ecousin,

Kai rJ opotJ an tiv min blapth skoliwv onotazwn.

Autika par dii patri kaqezomenh kroniwni

GhruetJ anqrwpwn adikon noon,

Hesiod. Opera, ver. 254.

JUSTICE, unspotted maid, derived from Jove,

Renown’d and reverenced by the gods above:

When mortals violate her sacred laws,

When judges hear the bribe and not the cause,

Close by her parent god, behold her stand,

And urge the punishment their sins demand.

COKE.

Verses 3, 4. And when Paul — Who had learned to make himself servant of all, and would stoop to any thing by which he might be serviceable, was laying on the fire a bundle of sticks — Which he had gathered; there came a viper — Which had been concealed among the wood; out of the heat, and fastened on his hand — Round which it probably twisted itself, and bit it. And when the barbarians saw the venomous beast — Or the fierce animal, as qhrion should rather be translated; the word beast being a very improper term for it; they said — Seeing also his chains; No doubt this man is a murderer — “They concluded he was a murderer, (says Elsner,) rather than a person guilty of any other crime, because they saw the viper hanging on his hand, which therefore they judged to have been the offending member, according to the rule which prevailed among the ancients, that persons were often remarkably punished in that part of the body which had been the immediate instrument of their sin;” whom, though he hath escaped the sea — Hath not been destroyed by the tempest and shipwreck; yet vengeance suffereth not (Greek, ouk eiasen, hath not suffered) to live — They looked upon him as, in effect, a dead man already, after having been bit by that venomous creature. The poison of a viper so inflames the blood, that a person infected with it is usually tormented as with fire, and quickly dies. For this reason, the ancient Scythians, in war, used to dip their arrows in the blood and gaul of vipers, that their enemies wounded by them might die a painful and sudden death. And, in some remote times, some condemned criminals were put to death by vipers set to their breasts: by this means Cleopatra despatched herself. Though dikh, (justice, or judgment,) here rendered vengeance, may be understood of the divine vengeance in general; yet, as these were the words of heathen idolaters, possibly they might refer to a deity worshipped among them under that name; as we know the Greeks and Romans had a goddess whom they termed Nemesiv, Nemesis, the daughter of Justice, who, they supposed, punished the wicked. It must give us pleasure to trace among these barbarians the force of conscience, and the belief of a particular providence; which some people of more learning have stupidly thought it philosophy to despise. But they erred in imagining that calamities must always be interpreted as judgments. Let us guard against this error, lest, like them, we condemn, not only the innocent, but the excellent of the earth.

4. Beast—Animal. The Greek word is applied to any noxious animal, quadruped, or reptile. Vengeance—The remarkable Greek term here is Dikh, Dike, Justice, or Retribution. If it does not imply Justice to be a goddess, it certainly constitutes a strong personification. Homer is quoted by Kuinoel as saving, “Wise men of old said that Retribution is the co-assessor of Jove;” and Hesiod, “A virgin is Dike, born from Zeus.” And here Paul found a striking illustration of his own doctrine, “The Gentiles which have not the [written] law are a law unto themselves.”

V. 5. Having shaken off the venomous animal, he suffered no harm-The words of an eminent modern historian are, "No venomous kind of serpent now breeds in Malta, neither hurts if it be brought thither from another place. Children are seen there handling and playing even with scorpions; I have seen one eating them." If this be so, it seems to be fixed by the wisdom of God, as an eternal memorial of what he once wrought there.

Verse 5. Shook off the beast into the fire, and felt no harm.] This is a presumptive evidence that the viper did not bite St. Paul: it fastened on his hand, but had no power to injure him.

Verses 5, 6. And he shook off, &c. — Greek, apotinaxav to qhrion, having shaken off the venomous animal into the fire, (the power of Christ interposing to preserve him,) he felt no harm — Received no injury, and took no further notice of what had happened. Howbeit, they looked when he should have swollen — The islanders, knowing that the bite of a viper was wont to occasion a sudden and painful death, expected the venom left in Paul’s flesh would have caused a burning and swelling, and that he would instantly have fallen down dead. But Christ now fulfilled in Paul the promise made to his disciples, they shall take up serpents, and if they drink any deadly thing it shall not hurt them. But after they had looked a great while — Expecting every moment the pernicious effects of the venom to appear, to their astonishment they saw no harm come to him — God hereby intended to make him remarkable among this barbarous people, and so to prepare the way for their receiving the doctrine of salvation from his lips: they changed their minds, and said that he was a god — Some deity, descended in a human form; supposing that no less power than that of a god could ward off so extreme a danger. Such is the stability of human reason! A little before he was a murderer; and presently he is a god! Just like the people of Lystra; one hour sacrificing to this same apostle, and the next stoning him. Nay, but there is a medium: he is neither a murderer nor a god, but a man of God. But natural men never run into greater mistakes than in judging of the children of God. Grotius, Whitby, and some others, think that these Melitese took Paul for Hercules, Alexikakov, (the driver away of evil,) who was worshipped in this island, and was, according to Ptolemy, one of the gods of the Phenicians.

V. 6. They changed their minds, and said he was a god-Such is the stability of human reason! A little before he was a murderer; and presently he is a god: (just as the people of Lystra; one hour sacrificing, and the next stoning:) nay, but there is a medium. He is neither a murderer nor a god, but a man of God. But natural men never run into greater mistakes, than in judging of the children of God.

Verse 6. When he should have swollen] pimprasqai, When he should have been inflamed: by means of an acrid poison introduced into the blood, it is soon coagulated; and, in consequence, the extremities of the vessels become obstructed, strong inflammation takes place, and all the parts become most painfully swollen.

Lucan, ix. v. 791, gives a terrible account of this effect of the bite of a serpent:-

———————illi rubor igneus ora

Succendit, tenditque cutem, pereunte figura Miscens cuncta tumor jam toto corpore major: Humanumque egressa modum super omnia membra Efflatur sanies late tollente veneno.

Ipse latet penitus, congesto corpore mersus; Nec lorica tenet distenti corporis auctum. And straight a sudden flame began to spread, And paint his visage with a glowing red.

With swift expansion swells the bloated skin, Nought but an undistinguished mass is seen; While the fair human form lies lost within, The puffy poison spreads and heaves around, Till all the man is in the monster drown’d. ROWE.

See other ensamples, in Clarke’s notes on “Numbers 21:6”. Said that he was a god.] As Hercules was one of the gods of the Phœnicians, and was worshipped in Malta under the epithet of alexikakov, the dispeller of evil, they probably thought that Paul was Hercules; and the more so, because Hercules was famous for having destroyed, in his youth, two serpents that attacked him in his cradle.

Verses 5, 6. And he shook off, &c. — Greek, apotinaxav to qhrion, having shaken off the venomous animal into the fire, (the power of Christ interposing to preserve him,) he felt no harm — Received no injury, and took no further notice of what had happened. Howbeit, they looked when he should have swollen — The islanders, knowing that the bite of a viper was wont to occasion a sudden and painful death, expected the venom left in Paul’s flesh would have caused a burning and swelling, and that he would instantly have fallen down dead. But Christ now fulfilled in Paul the promise made to his disciples, they shall take up serpents, and if they drink any deadly thing it shall not hurt them. But after they had looked a great while — Expecting every moment the pernicious effects of the venom to appear, to their astonishment they saw no harm come to him — God hereby intended to make him remarkable among this barbarous people, and so to prepare the way for their receiving the doctrine of salvation from his lips: they changed their minds, and said that he was a god — Some deity, descended in a human form; supposing that no less power than that of a god could ward off so extreme a danger. Such is the stability of human reason! A little before he was a murderer; and presently he is a god! Just like the people of Lystra; one hour sacrificing to this same apostle, and the next stoning him. Nay, but there is a medium: he is neither a murderer nor a god, but a man of God. But natural men never run into greater mistakes than in judging of the children of God. Grotius, Whitby, and some others, think that these Melitese took Paul for Hercules, Alexikakov, (the driver away of evil,) who was worshipped in this island, and was, according to Ptolemy, one of the gods of the Phenicians.

6. Swollen… dead suddenly—The two stages of dissolution from the bite of the viper are: First, a highly inflamed swelling beginning at the bitten place, and then a rapid death. The pain is exquisite, especially when the patient is touched. Lucian, the satirist, says of the viper, “His bite is violent, his venom thick, quickly bringing on agonies, for it burns and rots and swells, and the victim screams as if burned in fire.” The Scythians dipped their weapons in vipers’ venom, and, says Pliny, “they brought death by a light touch.” A god—A supernatural of any class.

V. 7. The chief man of the island-In wealth if not in power also. Three days-The first three days of our stay on the island.

Verse 7. The chief man of the island] The term prwtov, CHIEF, used hereby St. Luke, was the ancient title of the governor of this island, as is evident from an inscription found in Malta, which runs thus:- L. K. uiov, kur. ippeuv. prm. prwtov Melitaiwn,

Lucius Caius, son of Quirinus, a Roman knight, CHIEF of the Melitese. See Bochart, Phaleg. and Chan. vol. i. chap. 498, &c., and Grotius. This title is another proof of the accuracy of St. Luke, who uses the very epithet by which the Roman governor of that island was distinguished.

Verses 7-10. In the same quarters — In the neighbourhood of the place where the ship was stranded, and the shipwrecked company had met with such kind treatment; were possessions of the chief man of the island — The chief in wealth, if not in power also; who received and lodged us three days — The first three days of their stay in the island, till they could all be disposed of properly through the island. For such goodness Paul was soon able to make some return. For the father of Publius lay sick of a fever — The providence of God so ordering it, that he should be ill just at this time, that the cure of him might be a present recompense to Publius for his generosity, and the cure of him by a miracle, a recompense particularly for his kindness to Paul. To whom Paul entered in and prayed — Thus showing that he could do nothing of himself, but looked to, and depended on, the living and true God alone for the recovery of the sick person; and laid his hands on him — Thus, not acting as a physician, to restore him by medicines, but as an apostle, to cure him by miracle; and healed him — Made him perfectly well in an instant. Thus, by an extraordinary fact, God recommended the gospel and the ministry of Paul to Publius and his family, and indeed to the whole island. For the news of this miracle was soon spread abroad in all parts of it, so that others also, who had diseases — Of any kind, as many as were able to travel, or could any way be brought; came and were healed — In the same manner, by prayer and the imposition of Paul’s hands. Who also honoured us, &c. — The sick people, who were thus miraculously cured, together with their relations and friends, being grateful to Paul, rewarded him and his company very liberally, performing to them, during their abode in the island, every office of kindness in their power; and, at their departure, lading them with such things as were necessary — For their voyage.

Ver. 7. The chief man of the island, whose name was Publius, received us. The Lord turned the bonds of Paul to glory; he stayed here three months, and many were healed and converted to the Lord. The master was with his servant.

7. Possessions—Landed estates. Chief man—A prwtov, a Primus, Primate or first man. Two ancient coins have been discovered at Civita Vecchia on which the very phrase “First and patron of the Miletans” is inscribed. This remarkable fact is quoted as illustrating Luke’s accuracy in designating the title of the governor of this obscure island. But it appears, in fact, that the term primus, or first, did not designate the title of the governor, but something still more peculiar. It seems to have been an honorary title like patron or prince in some Italian towns.

Verse 8. The father of Publius lay sick] puretoiv kai dusenteria; Of a fever and dysentery; perhaps a cholera morbus.

Paul-prayed] That God would exert his power; and laid his hands on him, as the means which God ordinarily used to convey the energy of the Holy Spirit, and healed him; God having conveyed the healing power by this means. In such a disorder as that mentioned here by St. Luke, where the bowels were in a state of inflammation, and a general fever aiding the dysentery in its work of death, nothing less than a miracle could have made an instantaneous cure in the patient. Such a cure was wrought, and even the heathens saw that it was the hand of God.

Verses 7-10. In the same quarters — In the neighbourhood of the place where the ship was stranded, and the shipwrecked company had met with such kind treatment; were possessions of the chief man of the island — The chief in wealth, if not in power also; who received and lodged us three days — The first three days of their stay in the island, till they could all be disposed of properly through the island. For such goodness Paul was soon able to make some return. For the father of Publius lay sick of a fever — The providence of God so ordering it, that he should be ill just at this time, that the cure of him might be a present recompense to Publius for his generosity, and the cure of him by a miracle, a recompense particularly for his kindness to Paul. To whom Paul entered in and prayed — Thus showing that he could do nothing of himself, but looked to, and depended on, the living and true God alone for the recovery of the sick person; and laid his hands on him — Thus, not acting as a physician, to restore him by medicines, but as an apostle, to cure him by miracle; and healed him — Made him perfectly well in an instant. Thus, by an extraordinary fact, God recommended the gospel and the ministry of Paul to Publius and his family, and indeed to the whole island. For the news of this miracle was soon spread abroad in all parts of it, so that others also, who had diseases — Of any kind, as many as were able to travel, or could any way be brought; came and were healed — In the same manner, by prayer and the imposition of Paul’s hands. Who also honoured us, &c. — The sick people, who were thus miraculously cured, together with their relations and friends, being grateful to Paul, rewarded him and his company very liberally, performing to them, during their abode in the island, every office of kindness in their power; and, at their departure, lading them with such things as were necessary — For their voyage.

8. Fever… bloody flux—Dysentery with paroxysms of fever, diseases, as attested by modern physicians, prevailing in Malta at the present day. Passages like this and Acts 12:23; 13:11; and Luke 22:44, are quoted as illustrating Luke’s exactness as a physician. Dr. Hackett thinks them so quoted with reason. “No other writer of the New Testament exhibits this sort of technical precision in speaking of diseases.” Of this rude isle Paul must have retained pleasant recollections. It is permanently honoured in having its Christianity planted by his hands, and by this imperishable record of the free heart with which he and it were received.

Paul’s Journey to Rome, 11-16.

Verse 9. Others-which had diseases] Luke was a physician; yet we do not find him engaging in these cures. As a medical man, he might have been of use to the father of Publius; but he is not even consulted on the occasion. Paul enters in to him, prays for him, lays his hands on him, and he is healed. The other diseased persons who are mentioned in this verse were doubtless healed in the same way.

Verses 7-10. In the same quarters — In the neighbourhood of the place where the ship was stranded, and the shipwrecked company had met with such kind treatment; were possessions of the chief man of the island — The chief in wealth, if not in power also; who received and lodged us three days — The first three days of their stay in the island, till they could all be disposed of properly through the island. For such goodness Paul was soon able to make some return. For the father of Publius lay sick of a fever — The providence of God so ordering it, that he should be ill just at this time, that the cure of him might be a present recompense to Publius for his generosity, and the cure of him by a miracle, a recompense particularly for his kindness to Paul. To whom Paul entered in and prayed — Thus showing that he could do nothing of himself, but looked to, and depended on, the living and true God alone for the recovery of the sick person; and laid his hands on him — Thus, not acting as a physician, to restore him by medicines, but as an apostle, to cure him by miracle; and healed him — Made him perfectly well in an instant. Thus, by an extraordinary fact, God recommended the gospel and the ministry of Paul to Publius and his family, and indeed to the whole island. For the news of this miracle was soon spread abroad in all parts of it, so that others also, who had diseases — Of any kind, as many as were able to travel, or could any way be brought; came and were healed — In the same manner, by prayer and the imposition of Paul’s hands. Who also honoured us, &c. — The sick people, who were thus miraculously cured, together with their relations and friends, being grateful to Paul, rewarded him and his company very liberally, performing to them, during their abode in the island, every office of kindness in their power; and, at their departure, lading them with such things as were necessary — For their voyage.

Verse 10. Honoured us with many honours] The word timh, as Bishop Pearce has remarked, is often used to signify a pecuniary recompense, or present. The Greek word seems to be thus used in 1 Timothy 5:17. Let the elders which rule well be accounted worthy of double HONOUR, timhv, which St. Chrysostom, on the place, explains thus: thn twn anagkaiwn corhgian, a supplying them with all necessary things. Diodorus Siculus, and Xenophon, used the word in the same way. In the sense of a pecuniary recompense, or price, paid for any thing, the word timh is met with in 1 Corinthians 6:20; and 1 Corinthians 7:23. And in the Septuagint, Numbers 22:17; compared with Numbers 22:18; Psalm 8:5; and Psalm 49:12; Proverbs 3:9. Bp. Pearce. Such things as were necessary.] They had before given them many presents, and now they gave them a good sea stock; all that was necessary for their passage.

Verses 7-10. In the same quarters — In the neighbourhood of the place where the ship was stranded, and the shipwrecked company had met with such kind treatment; were possessions of the chief man of the island — The chief in wealth, if not in power also; who received and lodged us three days — The first three days of their stay in the island, till they could all be disposed of properly through the island. For such goodness Paul was soon able to make some return. For the father of Publius lay sick of a fever — The providence of God so ordering it, that he should be ill just at this time, that the cure of him might be a present recompense to Publius for his generosity, and the cure of him by a miracle, a recompense particularly for his kindness to Paul. To whom Paul entered in and prayed — Thus showing that he could do nothing of himself, but looked to, and depended on, the living and true God alone for the recovery of the sick person; and laid his hands on him — Thus, not acting as a physician, to restore him by medicines, but as an apostle, to cure him by miracle; and healed him — Made him perfectly well in an instant. Thus, by an extraordinary fact, God recommended the gospel and the ministry of Paul to Publius and his family, and indeed to the whole island. For the news of this miracle was soon spread abroad in all parts of it, so that others also, who had diseases — Of any kind, as many as were able to travel, or could any way be brought; came and were healed — In the same manner, by prayer and the imposition of Paul’s hands. Who also honoured us, &c. — The sick people, who were thus miraculously cured, together with their relations and friends, being grateful to Paul, rewarded him and his company very liberally, performing to them, during their abode in the island, every office of kindness in their power; and, at their departure, lading them with such things as were necessary — For their voyage.

V. 11. Whose sign was-It was the custom of the ancients to have images on the head of their ships, from which they took their names. Castor and Pollux-Two heathen gods who were thought favourable to mariners.

Verse 11. After three months] Supposing that they had reached Malta about the end of October, as we have already seen, then it appears that they left it about the end of January, or the beginning of February; and, though in the depth of winter, not the worst time for sailing, even in those seas, the wind being then generally more steady; and, on the whole, the passage more safe.

Whose sign was Castor and Pollux.] These were two fabulous semi-deities, reported to be the sons of Jupiter and Leda, who were afterwards translated to the heavens, and made the constellation called Gemini, or the Twins. This constellation was deemed propitious to mariners; and, as it was customary to have the images of their gods both on the head and stern of their ships, we may suppose that this Alexandrian ship had these on either her prow or stern, and that these gave name to the ship. We, who profess to be a Christian people, follow the same heathen custom: we have out ships called the Castor, the Jupiter, the Minerva, the Leda, (the mother of Castor and Pollux,) with a multitude of other demon gods and goddesses; so that, were ancient Romans or Grecians to visit our navy, they would be led to suppose that, after the lapse of more than 2000 years, their old religion had continued unaltered!

Virgil speaks of a vessel called the Tiger. Æneid, x. ver. 166:- Massicus ærata princeps secat æquora TIGRI.

“Massicus, chief, cuts the waves in the brazen-beaked TIGER.” Of another called the Chimera. Æn. v. ver. 118, 223:-

Ingentemque Gyas ingenti mole CHIMÆRAM.

“Gyas the vast Chimera’s bulk commands.”

And of another called the Centaur. Æn. v. ver. 122, 155, 157:- —————CENTAURO invehitur magna.

“Sergestus, in the great Centaur, took the leading place.” Besides these names, they had their tutelary gods in the ship, from whom they expected succour; and sometimes they had their images on the stern; and when they got safely to the end of their voyage, they were accustomed to crown these images with garlands: thus Virgil, Geor. i. ver. 304:- PUPPIBUS et læti naute imposuere CORONAS.

“The joyous sailors place garlands on their sterns.”

Several ancient fables appear to have arisen out of the names of ships. Jupiter is fabled to have carried off Europa, across the sea, in the shape of a bull; and to have carried away Ganymede, in the shape of an eagle. That is, these persons were carried away, one in a ship called Taurus, or Bull; and the other in one denominated Aquila, the Eagle. Why not Taurus, as well as Tigris? and why not Aquila, as well as Chimera?-which names did belong to ships, as we find from the above quotations.

Verse 11. And after three months — The three winter months, which time Paul doubtless improved, as a true labourer in the Lord’s vineyard. We departed in a ship of Alexandria, whose sign was Castor and Pollux — Two fabulous semi-deities of the Greeks and Romans, who were said to be the sons of Jupiter and Leda, and, being translated to the heavens, formed the constellation called Gemini, or the Twins, a constellation which, when it appeared, was deemed propitious to mariners. And, as it was the custom of the ancients to have images of their gods, both on the head and stern of their ships, this Alexandrian ship had these, either on her prow or stern. And yet, in a ship having such an idolatrous image, Paul did not refuse to sail, considering it as being only the name of the ship.

Ver. 11. A ship of Alexandria — whose sign was Castor and Pollux. Dioskouroiv, sons of Jupiter and Leda, twin brothers of Helen. Some of the ancients placed them among the celestial stars, whence the constellation Gemini, the twins, which, when seen by the sailors, were thought to be favourable to navigation. The judicious Tertullian calls them phantoms: “we know that an idol is nothing.” Others have made them gods of the sea, and thought they caused the infinitude of sparks of fire, ever seen in dark nights at the bow of the ship in time of tempests. Perhaps I am solitary in thinking them to be galvanic effects produced by the violence of salt water against the ship, while making a rapid course through the waves.

11. It was about the beginning of February in the year 61 that, after a three months’ wintering in Malta, Julius embarked for Rome. Ship of Alexandria—Malta was in the direct line of the great corn commerce from Alexandria to Puteoli and Rome. This ship, detained probably at Valetta, like Paul’s ship from Alexandria, was more fortunate in escaping shipwreck, though arrested in its career by winter. When the spring of this southern clime approached and navigation opened the Castor and Pollux was ready for Julius’ use. Sign—A carved and gilded statue, (figure head,) sometimes a bas relief or painting, called by the Romans tutela, at the bow of the ship, and from which the ship usually received its name. The figure head of the present ship, Castor and Pollux, represented the deified twin brothers of the beautiful Helen who caused the fall of Troy. They were the fabulous patrons of sailors, and were by them identified with the heavenly constellation, the Gemini or Twins, and were supposed to be the meteoric fire balls (called by modern sailors the “fires of St. Elmo”) which are seen at sea. It was in a vessel consecrated to this complicated pagan superstition that our Christian hero sailed toward the pagan capital.

Verse 12. Landing at Syracuse] In order to go to Rome from Malta, their readiest course was to keep pretty close to the eastern coast of Sicily, in order to pass through the straits of Rhegium and get into the Tyrrhenian Sea.

Syracuse is one of the most famous cities of antiquity: it is the capital of the island of Sicily, and was built about 730 years before the Christian era. It lies 72 miles S. by E. of Messina, and about 112 of Palermo. Long. 15°. 30’. W., lat. 37°. 17’. N. In its ancient state, it was about 22 English miles in circumference; and was highly celebrated for the martial spirit of its inhabitants. This was the birthplace of the illustrious Archimedes; who, when the city was besieged by the Romans, under Marcellus, about 212 years before Christ, defended the place with his powerful engines against all the valour and power of the assailants. He beat their galleys to pieces by huge stones projected from his machines; and by hooks, chains, and levers, from the walls, weighed the ships out of the water, and, whirling them round, dashed them in pieces against each other, or sunk them to the bottom: several also, he is said to have destroyed by his burning glasses. When the city was taken by treachery, Archimedes was found intensely engaged in the demonstration of a problem. A Roman soldier coming up, and presenting his dagger to his throat, he cried, “Stop, soldier, or thou wilt spoil my diagram!” The brute was unmoved, and murdered him on the spot.

This city was almost totally destroyed by an earthquake in 1693: its present population amounts to but about 18,000. Christianity, in some form or other, has existed here ever since St. Paul spent the three days in it, mentioned in the text.

Verse 12. And — Soon after, leaving Malta, they made the island of Sicily; and landing at Syracuse, tarried there three days — The ship, probably, having some goods to put ashore, or some to take in there; for the ship seems to have been making a trading voyage. This city was the metropolis of Sicily, situated on the east side of the island, and had a beautiful prospect for every entrance, both by sea and land. The port, which had the sea on both sides of it, was almost wholly surrounded with elegant buildings; all the suburbs on both sides being banked up, and supported with walls of marble. While in its splendour, this city was considered as the largest and richest belonging to the Greeks; being twenty-two miles in circuit, and equalling Carthage in its wealth. It was called Quadruplex, because it was divided into four parts; the first of which contained the famous temple of Jupiter; the second, the temple of Fortune; the third, a large amphitheatre, and a surprising statue of Apollo; and the fourth, which was the island of Ortygia, the two temples of Diana and Minerva, and the celebrated fountain of Arethusa. About two hundred and ten years before the birth of Christ, this city was taken by Marcellus, the Roman general, and, in storming the place, the famous Archimedes was slain by a common soldier, while he was intent upon his geometrical studies. He was calmly drawing his lines, and proceeding in the demonstration of a problem, when a soldier entered the room and clapped a sword to his throat. “Hold,” said Archimedes, “one moment, and my demonstration will be finished.” But the soldier, equally regardless of his prayer and demonstration, killed him instantly; Marcellus extremely regretting his death, and afterward showing singular favour to his relations for his sake. The reader that will be at the pains of consulting the Encyclopædia Britannica, on the word SYRACUSE, will find a particular account of the manner in which this illustrious geometrician, Archimedes, defended the city for a long time, by his powerful engines, against all the valour and power of the Romans, beating their galleys to pieces by huge stones projected from his machines, and by his levers, chains, and hooks from the walls, weighing the ships out of the water, tossing them to and fro, whirling them round, and dashing them in pieces against each other, or against the points of rocks which projected under the walls, or sinking them to the bottom, destroying several also by burning-glasses. In short, the account of the power of his engines is, perhaps, the most extraordinary that occurs in history; and if it were not well authenticated, would exceed all belief. How these stupendous effects were produced, few, if any, have been able to comprehend. Syracuse was afterward rebuilt by Augustus, and had, at the time Paul visited it, recovered itself so as to answer its former splendour. It had at length three castles, three walls, and a marble gate, and was able to send out twelve thousand heroes, and four hundred ships; but it received such a blow from the Saracens, A.D. 884, when they razed it, that it has not been able to recover itself since: See Calmet and the Universal History, vol. 7. p. 516; vol. 17. p. 29.

Ver. 12. Syracuse, the capital of Sicily. It was once very large, having walls about sixteen miles in circumference; the theatre of great revolutions in government and wars.

12. Syracuse—A trip of a hundred miles. This celebrated city was situated on a broad promontory on the eastern coast of Sicily. Three days— Probably for the purpose of trade, for the present ship still bore its corn freight from Egypt.

Verse 13. We fetched a compass] oJqen perielqontev, Whence we coasted about. This will appear evident, when the coast of Sicily is viewed on any correct map, of a tolerably large scale.

Rhegium] A city and promontory in Calabria, in Italy, opposite to Sicily. It is now called Reggio. It had its name, rhJgion, Rhegium, from the Greek rhJgnumi, to break off; because it appears to have been broken off from Sicily.

The south wind blew] This was the fairest wind they could have from Syracuse, to reach the straits of Rhegium.

The next day to Puteoli] This place, now commonly called Pozzuoli, is an ancient town of Naples in the Terra di Lavoro; and is supposed to have been founded by the Samians, about 470 years before Christ. Within this city are several warm baths, very highly celebrated; and from these, and its springs in general, it seems to have had its ancient name Puteoli, from PUTEI, wells or pits; though some derive it from putor, a stench, or bad smell, because of the sulphureous exhalations from its warm waters. Varro gives both these etymologies, lib. iv. de Ling. Lat. cap. 5. It is famous for its temple of Jupiter Serapis, which is built, not according to the Grecian or Roman manner, but according to the Asiatic. Near this place are the remains of Cicero’s villa, which are of great extent. The town contains, at present, about 10,000 inhabitants. Long. 14°. 40’. E., lat. 41°. 50’. N.

Verses 13-15. From thence we fetched a compass — Coasted round the eastern shore of Sicily; and came to Rhegium — A town on the Italian shore, opposite to Messina in Sicily; and after one day — Having a favourable gale, we pursued our voyage; and came to Puteoli — A great seaport town of Campania, not far from Naples. Here finding Christian brethren — To whom Paul was known, at least by his fame; we were desired to stay with them seven days — That they might have an opportunity of hearing Paul and conversing with him. And Julius was so good as to grant their request. After which he set out with the prisoners and soldiers for Rome, by land. And now the brethren in that city, to whom Paul was well known by his letter lately written to the Romans, hearing that he was on the road, came out to meet him — Not being ashamed of his bonds; and some of them came as far as the town of Appii Forum — Which was fifty-one miles from the city, and others to the Three Taverns, a town at the distance of thirty miles. This unlooked-for testimony of respect from the brethren at Rome, making a strong impression upon the apostle’s mind, he thanked God for it, and took courage — Finding Christ was at Rome also, and being greatly refreshed by the company and conversation of such affectionate friends. After which they all went forward to the city, where, it is supposed, they arrived in the February of A.D. 63. It is remarkable that there is no certain account by whom Christianity was planted at Rome. Probably some inhabitants of that city were at Jerusalem on the day of pentecost, (Acts 2:10,) and being then converted themselves, carried the gospel thither at their return.

Ver. 13, 14. Thence we came to Rhegium. The city takes its name from the promontory, which exhibits marks of disruption from the Sicilian shore. — We came the next day to Puteoli, now Pousol, a city and port eight miles south of Naples, where we found brethren. Peter, Mark, and Barnabas, to say nothing of the thousands that had fled on Stephen’s persecution, had all preached in Italy.

13. A compass—A curve in the ship’s course. According to Mr. Lewin the wind was from the west; but Mount Etna obstructing the breeze left them becalmed, and obliged them to make an outward circuit in order to fill their sails. Rhegium—Here, as the north wind blowing down through the strait made navigation impossible, they were detained for one day, after which the favourable south wind blew, and the next day, after a sail of one hundred and eighty-two miles, they arrived at Puteoli.

A corn ship now arrives at Puteoli, the earliest of the spring! It was always a great arrival, and of all that sailed into this the great Roman harbour, the Alexandrian ship alone was not required reverently to lower her topsail, but might sail into port in towering triumph.

It was the bay still renowned as the Bay of Naples into which Paul now sailed. Celebrated for its beauty, this wonderful bay had another celebrity derived from its performing the office (for which the small port of Ostia at the month of the Tiber was wholly insufficient) of harbour to the imperial city. Through this harbour of Puteoli passed the great current of intercourse by sea between Rome and the whole world.

Verse 14. Where we found brethren] That is, Christians; for there had been many in Italy converted to the faith of Christ, some considerable time before this, as appears from St. Paul’s epistle to the Romans, written some years before this voyage.

We went toward Rome.] One of the most celebrated cities in the universe, the capital of Italy, and once of the whole world; situated on the river Tiber, 410 miles SSE. of Vienna; 600 SE. of Paris; 730 E. by N. of Madrid; 760 W. of Constantinople; and 780 SE. of London. Long. 12°. 55’. E., lat. 41°. 54’. N. This famous city was founded by Romulus, at the end of the seventh Olympiad, A.M. 3251; of the flood, 1595; and 753 years before the Christian æra. The history of this city must be sought for in works written expressly on the subject, of which there are many. Modern Rome is greatly inferior to ancient Rome in every respect. Its population, taken in 1709, amounted to 138,569 souls only; among whom were 40 bishops, 2686 priests, 3359 monks, 1814 nuns, 893 courtezans, between 8 and 9000 Jews, and 14 Moors. This city, which once tyrannized over the world by its arms, and over the whole Christian world by its popes, is now reduced to a very low state among the governments of Europe, by whom it is supported, for it has no power sufficient for its own defence.

Verses 13-15. From thence we fetched a compass — Coasted round the eastern shore of Sicily; and came to Rhegium — A town on the Italian shore, opposite to Messina in Sicily; and after one day — Having a favourable gale, we pursued our voyage; and came to Puteoli — A great seaport town of Campania, not far from Naples. Here finding Christian brethren — To whom Paul was known, at least by his fame; we were desired to stay with them seven days — That they might have an opportunity of hearing Paul and conversing with him. And Julius was so good as to grant their request. After which he set out with the prisoners and soldiers for Rome, by land. And now the brethren in that city, to whom Paul was well known by his letter lately written to the Romans, hearing that he was on the road, came out to meet him — Not being ashamed of his bonds; and some of them came as far as the town of Appii Forum — Which was fifty-one miles from the city, and others to the Three Taverns, a town at the distance of thirty miles. This unlooked-for testimony of respect from the brethren at Rome, making a strong impression upon the apostle’s mind, he thanked God for it, and took courage — Finding Christ was at Rome also, and being greatly refreshed by the company and conversation of such affectionate friends. After which they all went forward to the city, where, it is supposed, they arrived in the February of A.D. 63. It is remarkable that there is no certain account by whom Christianity was planted at Rome. Probably some inhabitants of that city were at Jerusalem on the day of pentecost, (Acts 2:10,) and being then converted themselves, carried the gospel thither at their return.

Ver. 13, 14. Thence we came to Rhegium. The city takes its name from the promontory, which exhibits marks of disruption from the Sicilian shore. — We came the next day to Puteoli, now Pousol, a city and port eight miles south of Naples, where we found brethren. Peter, Mark, and Barnabas, to say nothing of the thousands that had fled on Stephen’s persecution, had all preached in Italy.

14. Found brethren—Jews were plenty at Puteoli, as a commercial town, and Christians were not wanting. It is a proof of Julius’ high regard for Paul that he delayed an entire week in deference to the wishes of his Christian friends. The week suggests that it was the wish of the Christian Church at Puteoli that Paul should pass a Sabbath with them that his preaching might be heard by a general gathering of a widespread brotherhood. By the delay, as intimated in the verse following, intelligence of the apostle’s arrival surprised the Church at Rome, and drew a joyous delegation thence to meet and escort the “ambassador in bonds” to the capital. Toward Rome—From Puteoli they would go twelve miles eastward to intersect the great Appian Way at Capua, (see map,) the luxurious city which melted away the hardihood of Hannibal’s veteran army. The Appian Way was titled in ancient times the “Queen of Great Thoroughfares.” It was built by Appius Claudius four hundred and eleven years after the founding of the city. It stretched from Rome, the length of southern Italy, until, as seen on the map, it reached Brundusium at the extremity of the heel of the boot-like shape of Italy. From Brundusium a water route across the Adriatic connected it at Dyrrachium on the west coast of Greece with the great Egnatian Way, (see notes on Acts 16:14-40,) and thence formed an unbroken line to the northeastern extremity of Macedonia. From the intersection at Capua to Rome was one hundred and twenty-five miles.

V. 15. The brethren-That is, the Christians,

came out thence to meet us-It is remarkable that there is no certain account by whom Christianity was planted at Rome. Probably some inhabitants of that city were at Jerusalem on the day of pentecost, Acts 2:10; and being then converted themselves, carried the Gospel thither at their return. Appii-Forum was a town fifty-one miles from Rome; the Three Taverns about thirty.

He took courage-He saw Christ was at Rome also, and now forgot all the troubles of his journey.

Verse 15. When the brethren heard of us] By whom the Gospel was planted at Rome is not known: it does not appear that any apostle was employed in this work. It was probably carried thither by some of those who were converted to God at the day of pentecost; for there were then at Jerusalem, not only devout men, proselytes to the Jewish religion, from every nation under heaven, Acts 2:5, but there were strangers of Rome also, Acts 2:10. And it in most reasonable to believe, as we know of no other origin, that it was by these Christianity was planted at Rome.

As far as Appii Forum] About 52 miles from Rome; a long way to come on purpose to meet the apostle! The Appii Forum, or Market of Appius, was a town on the Appian way, a road paved from Rome to Campania, by the consul Appius Claudius. It was near the sea, and was a famous resort for sailors, peddlers, &c. Horace, lib. i. Satyr. 5, ver. 3, mentions this place on his journey from Rome to Brundusium:-

——————————Inde FORUM APPI

Differtum nautis, cauponibus atgue malignis.

“To Forum Appii thence we steer, a place

Stuff’d with rank boatmen, and with vintners base.”

This town is now called Cæsarilla de S. Maria.

And the Three Taverns] This was another place on the same road, and about 33 miles from Rome. Some of the Roman Christians had come as far as Appii Forum: others, to the Three Taverns. Bp. Pearce remarks, there are some ruins in that place which are now called Tre Taverne; and this place Cicero mentions in his epistles to Atticus, lib. ii. 11. Ab Appi Foro hora quarta: dederam aliam paulo ante in Tribus Tabernis. “Dated at ten in the morning, from Appii Forum. I sent off another (epistle) a little before, from the Three Taverns.”

Zosimus, lib. 2, mentions tria kaphleia, the three taverns, or victualling houses, where the Emperor Severus was strangled by the treason of Maximinus Herculeus, and his son Maxentius. See Lightfoot. The word taberna, from trabs, a beam, signifies any building formed of timber; such as those we call booths, sheds, &c., which are formed of beams, planks, boards, and the like; and therefore me may consider it as implying, either a temporary residence, or some mean building, such as a cottage, &c. And in this sense Horace evidently uses it, Carm. lib. i. Od. iv. ver. 13:-

Pallida mors æquo pulsat pede pauperum tabernas

Regumque turres.

“With equal pace, impartial Fate

Knocks at the palace as the cottage gate.”

FRANCIS.

This place, at first, was probably a place for booths or sheds, three of which were remarkable; other houses became associated with them in process of time, and the whole place denominated Tres Tabernæ, from the three first remarkable booths set up there. It appears to have been a large town in the fourth century, as Optatus mentions Felix a Tribus Tabernis, Felix of the Three Taverns, as one of the Christian bishops. Thanked God, and took courage.] He had longed to see Rome; (see Romans 1:9-15;) and, finding himself brought through so many calamities, and now so near the place that he was met by a part of that Church to which, some years before, he had written an epistle, he gave thanks to God, who had preserved him, and took fresh courage, in the prospect of bearing there a testimony for his Lord and Master.

Verses 13-15. From thence we fetched a compass — Coasted round the eastern shore of Sicily; and came to Rhegium — A town on the Italian shore, opposite to Messina in Sicily; and after one day — Having a favourable gale, we pursued our voyage; and came to Puteoli — A great seaport town of Campania, not far from Naples. Here finding Christian brethren — To whom Paul was known, at least by his fame; we were desired to stay with them seven days — That they might have an opportunity of hearing Paul and conversing with him. And Julius was so good as to grant their request. After which he set out with the prisoners and soldiers for Rome, by land. And now the brethren in that city, to whom Paul was well known by his letter lately written to the Romans, hearing that he was on the road, came out to meet him — Not being ashamed of his bonds; and some of them came as far as the town of Appii Forum — Which was fifty-one miles from the city, and others to the Three Taverns, a town at the distance of thirty miles. This unlooked-for testimony of respect from the brethren at Rome, making a strong impression upon the apostle’s mind, he thanked God for it, and took courage — Finding Christ was at Rome also, and being greatly refreshed by the company and conversation of such affectionate friends. After which they all went forward to the city, where, it is supposed, they arrived in the February of A.D. 63. It is remarkable that there is no certain account by whom Christianity was planted at Rome. Probably some inhabitants of that city were at Jerusalem on the day of pentecost, (Acts 2:10,) and being then converted themselves, carried the gospel thither at their return.

Ver. 15. When the brethren in the city of Rome heard of us, they came to meet us on the great military road, called the Appian way, as far as Appii forum, fifty miles from Rome on the road to Naples, built by Appius the consul, and near the present town of Piperno. Others waited for us meanwhile at the three taverns, seventeen miles nearer to Rome. This ebullition of brotherly love rejoiced the soul of Paul. Hail, thrice hail, to the day when after the storms and bitter events of life, we shall meet on the heavenly shore. Death will dissolve the chains of earth, and love will give the liberation of heaven.

15. Brethren heard of us—To the Church at Rome, Paul had three years previous addressed the greatest of his epistles. To all appearance it was eminently a Pauline Church. They heard the sudden news that the apostle of the Gentiles, adorned with fetters gloriously earned in the cause of the blessed Jesus, was on his way within a hundred miles or more of Rome, we might well anticipate, with rare delight. Appii Forum—About forty miles from Rome. Leaving Capua, on arriving at the celebrated Pomptine Marshes Julius would have his choice to keep the Appian Way in its circuitous route around the Marshes, or take the canal across in a boat dragged by mules. Both routes united at Appii Forum. The Roman Christians not knowing (any better than we) which of the two routes the apostle would take, met him at the junction at Appii Forum. Appii Forum, or Appius’ Market, was probably a cluster of houses formed at the junction originally, around a station where articles were retailed to travellers. Three Taverns—A tavern, taberna, (derived from trabs, a plank,) was primitively a wooden hut, derivatively not an inn, but rather a grocery, a restaurant, “a retail shop where all sorts of eatables and drinkables were kept.” Took courage—Christian sympathy quickened the heart of our genial apostle. It is very possible that many if not all this little band of Roman Christians were within three or four years driven into exile or cruelly murdered by the execrable Nero. On the night of July 19, A.D. 64, a fire burst out in Rome which continued a week, and laid nearly one quarter of the city in ashes. Popular opinion fixed the charge of originating the conflagration on Nero himself. To exculpate himself from this suspicion Nero laid the charge upon the Christians of Rome, and forthwith commenced a series of cruelties which appalled that and every other age. From causes mentioned in our note on verse 22, the Christians were now the object of pagan hatred. Esteeming them as helpless victims, and hoping that popular hatred would sustain his cruelty, Nero inflicted tortures which even a pagan historian, Tacitus, records with abhorrence. Of those who refused to call the emperor Lord, to swear by his name, to offer sacrifices to his image and to the heathen deities, “some,” says Tacitus, “were disguised in the skins of wild beasts and worried to death by dogs, some were crucified, and others were wrapped in pitched shirts by night that they might serve as lights to illuminate the night.” No longer protected by Roman power, the Church, condemned as holding an unlawful religion, was exposed both to the violence of the populace and the severity of the magistrate.

V. 16. With the soldier-To whom he was chained, as the Roman custom was.

Verse 16. The captain of the guard] stratopedarch. This word properly means the commander of a camp; but it signifies the prefect, or commander of the pretorian cohorts, or emperor’s guards.

Tacitus (Annal. lib. iv. cap. 2) informs us that, in the reign of Tiberius, Sejanus, who was then prefect of these troops, did, in order to accomplish his ambitious designs, cause them to be assembled from their quarters in the city, and stationed in a fortified camp near it; so that their commander is with peculiar propriety styled by St. Luke stratopedarchv, the commander of the camp. For the arrival of St. Paul at Rome was in the seventh year of Nero; and it is certain, from Suetonius, (in Tiber. cap. 37,) that the custom of keeping the pretorian soldiers in a camp, near the city, was retained by the emperors succeeding Tiberius; for the historian observes that Claudius, at his accession to the empire, was received into the camp, in castra delatus est, namely, of the pretorian cohorts; and so Tacitus says of Nero, An. lib. xii. cap. 69, that on the same occasions illatus castris, he was brought into the camp. Dr. Doddridge observes that it was customary for prisoners who were brought to Rome to be delivered to this officer, who had the charge of the state prisoners, as appears from the instance of Agrippa, who was taken into custody by Macro, the pretorian prefect, who succeeded Sejanus; (Joseph. Ant. lib. xviii. cap. 7. sec. 6;) and from Trajan’s order to Pliny, when two were in commission, Plin. lib. x. ep. 65. Vinctus mitti ad præfectos prætorii mei debet: he should be sent bound to the prefects of my guards. The person who now had that office was the noted Afranius Burrhus; but both before and after him it was held by two: Tacit. An. lib. xii. sec. 42; lib. xiv. sec. 51. See Parkhurst. Burrhus was a principal instrument in raising Nero to the throne; and had considerable influence in repressing many of the vicious inclinations of that bad prince. With many others, he was put to death by the inhuman Nero. Burrhus is praised by the historians for moderation and love of justice. His treatment of St. Paul is no mean proof of this. Calmet.

With a soldier that kept him.] That is, the soldier to whom he was chained, as has been related before, Acts 12:6.

Verse 16. And when we came to Rome, the centurion delivered the prisoners to the captain of the guard — Or prefect of the pretorian band, according to his commission. It was customary for prisoners who were brought to Rome, to be delivered to this officer, who had the charge of the state prisoners. The person who now held this office was the noted Afranius Burrhus. But Paul was suffered to dwell by himself with a soldier that kept him — Dr. Lardner proves, from Ulpian, that the proconsul was to judge whether a person, under accusation, was to be thrown into prison, or delivered to a soldier to be guarded, or committed to sureties, or trusted on his parole of honour. The humanity with which Julius all along treated the apostle merits particular attention. At Sidon he allowed him to go ashore to visit his Christian friends. And, when they were shipwrecked on the island of Melita, he kept the soldiers from killing the prisoners that he might save Paul. And because some brethren at Puteoli wished Paul to remain with them a week, he was so good as to grant their desire. And, as this worthy person is said by Luke to have courteously entreated Paul through the whole of the voyage, he may have bestowed on him favours which are not particularly mentioned. Those, however, which are mentioned deserve notice, as proofs of esteem and love from a heathen very honourable to the apostle. Julius’s regard for Paul was founded, at first, on the favourable opinion which Festus, Agrippa, and the tribunes, had formed of his cause, and which no doubt, they made known to Julius before he left Cesarea. But his esteem of the apostle must have increased by what he himself observed in the course of their acquaintance. For, in his conversation, Paul expressed such just views of God and religion, and of the duties of morality; and, in his actions, showed such benevolence to mankind, and such a concern for their real interest, as could not fail to endear him to so great a friend to virtue, as this centurion seems to have been. Besides, if Paul was represented to Julius as one who could work miracles, that circumstance alone would induce him to treat him with great respect. And more especially, when he became himself a witness to the accomplishment of Paul’s prediction concerning their shipwreck, and to the miraculous cures which he performed on the sick, in the island of Melita. Julius, therefore, having so great a friendship for Paul, and, it may be, a favourable opinion of the Christian doctrine, we may suppose that when he delivered the prisoners to Afranius Burrhus, who was then pretorian prefect, he did justice to Paul by representing him, not only as entirely innocent of any real crime, but as a man of singular probity, who was highly favoured of God, and endowed with extraordinary powers. To this representation, as well as to Festus’s letter, the apostle was probably indebted for the indulgence which was shown him immediately on his arrival at Rome. For he was not shut up in a common jail, with the other prisoners, but from the very first was allowed to dwell in his own hired house, with a soldier, who kept him by means of a chain fastened to his right wrist, and to the soldier’s left arm. This is the chain of which Paul so often speaks in his epistles, calling it his bonds; and which he showed to the Jews, when they came to him on the third day after his arrival. Who, that had met Paul in these bonds, would have guessed at his real character, and have imagined him to have been one of the most upright, benevolent, and generous of mankind? Yet such the apostle undoubtedly was. See Macknight and Doddridge.

Ver. 16. When we came to Rome, the centurion delivered the prisoners to the captain of the guard; the captain of the prætorian cohort. The guard was a fortified camp in the suburbs of Rome. A wise and regular government will not leave the lives and property of a metropolis to the mercy of an enfuriated and drunken mob, which a spark may kindle to vengeance in a moment. Robbers and murderers must be afraid of the sword, which supports the magistrate in the severer exercises of duty. But Paul, no doubt in consequence of the good offices of the centurion, who during the whole voyage had acted on a principle of benevolence, was suffered to dwell by himself, kept by a soldier, and bearing a chain. Great grace, that he might preach Christ with the greater interest and power. After three days he called the jews together, and recited his case, adding as follows:

16. Came to Rome—Starting from the Three Taverns, our ambassador, with his company of bondsmen and escort of freemen, would pass the celebrated Alban Hills, and on a summit a little beyond Aricia would cast his first glance upon the imperial ROME. It was itself a magnificent nation, the head of the nations of the earth. He entered the city by the Appian Way, where many a conqueror had entered in triumphal procession, but none with a name so notable to posterity as this “prisoner of Christ.” The guard—Every absolute monarch usually finds it necessary to secure a competent body of troops upon whose fidelity to his own person he can rely in case of rebellion. Such for the emperor of Rome were the pretorian troops. The Pretorian Camp, situated outside of the northwest wall of the city, was a large square lined with military barracks, the lodgings of the soldiery, and strongly fortified on all sides. Its commander, captain of the guard, at this time was the celebrated Burrhus, who, in connection with Seneca, endeavoured to support the fortunes of the empire under the reign of the mad and bloody Nero. But in fact the whole clause—the centurion… but—is omitted from so many manuscripts that Tischendorf and other high authorities reject it as spurious. Dwell by himself—The usual place for prisoners would be in the barracks of the Pretorium; but such would be the reports both of Festus and Julius that respect for Paul’s high character might secure him a better condition. Sustained by the Churches both at Rome and elsewhere, he would find it easy to secure apartments not only sufficient for his personal convenience, but to receive friends and inquirers hospitably, and to accommodate a congregation to listen to his preaching. Welcomed as he most certainly was by the Roman Church, he was secluded from its congregations except as they gathered to him.

Offer of Gospel to Jews, 17-29.

V. 17. And after three days-Given to rest and prayer, Paul called the chief of the Jews together-He always sought the Jews first; but being now bound, he could not so conveniently go round to them. Though I have done nothing-Seeing him chained, they might have suspected he had. Therefore he first obviates this suspicion.

Verse 17. Paul called the chief of the Jews together] We have already seen, in Acts 18:2, that Claudius had commanded all Jews to depart from Rome; see the note there: but it seems they were permitted to return very soon; and, from this verse, it appears that there were then chiefs, probably of synagogues, dwelling at Rome.

I have committed nothing] Lest they should have heard and received malicious reports against him, he thought it best to state his own case.

Verses 17-20. And after three days — Given to rest and prayer; Paul called the chief of the Jews together — His great love to the Jews induced him, wherever he came and found any, to labour in the first place to promote their salvation; and as he was now bound, and could not conveniently go round to them, he sent for the chief of them to come to him, his confinement not being so strict but he had liberty to receive the visits of his friends. He had reason to suppose that they might be offended, and imbibe prejudices against him, when they heard he had appealed from the courts in Judea to Cesar, and he judged it would be very proper for him to make an apology to them for so doing; and, in order to prepare their minds for receiving the gospel, to suffer nothing to be wanting on his part, to make them sensible of the affectionate regard that he had for them, notwithstanding the injurious treatment he had met with from their countrymen at Jerusalem. For these purposes he wished to have this interview with them. And when — According to his desire; they were come together — In the private house where he dwelt; he said, Men and brethren — Addressing them in respectful language; and thereby intimating, that he expected to be treated by them both as a man and a brother; though I have committed nothing against the people, &c. — Seeing him chained, they might have suspected he had committed something against them. Therefore he first obviates this suspicion. Yet was I delivered prisoner to the Romans — Their accusing him as a criminal before Felix the governor, and demanding judgment against him, was, in effect, delivering him prisoner into the hands of the Romans; and that at a time when he desired no more but a fair and impartial trial by their own law. But if he had declared the whole truth in this matter, the Jews would have appeared in a worse light than that in which he now represented them; for he might with truth have asserted that they would have murdered him without any colour of law or justice, if the Romans had not protected him. Who, when they had examined me — And had heard all that my adversaries could offer against me; would have let me go — That is, would have set me at liberty; because there was no cause of death in me — No crime, or offence, which they could judge to be a sufficient reason for putting me to death, or for keeping me under longer confinement. But when the Jews spake against it — He speaks tenderly of them, not mentioning their repeated attempts upon his life. I was constrained to appeal unto Cesar — To remove my cause to Rome, finding that the governors of Judea, one after another, stood so much in awe of the Jews, that they would not discharge me for fear of making them their enemies. Not that I had aught to accuse my nation of — Not that I had any design to accuse others; for, whatever injury I have received from any particular persons, I heartily forgive them, and wish the whole Jewish people, without exception, even my most inveterate enemies among them, all possible prosperity and happiness; but I was forced, contrary to my inclination, to make this appeal, purely in my own defence, and to prevent that assassination which I knew some persons were contriving against me. For this cause, therefore, have I called for you — As soon as I came hither; to see and speak with you — With a view, if possible, to prevent any prejudice which might be entertained by any of you to my disadvantage; because that for the hope of Israel — What Israel hopes for, namely, the Messiah and the resurrection; I am bound with this chain — And exposed to all these sufferings; and therefore, rather merit your compassion and friendship, than your resentment.

17. And—According to his own motto in his epistle to the Romans, “to the Jew first and also to the Gentile,” Paul first makes his appeal to the Jews at Rome. Unable to go to them, he invites them to himself. The usual result occurs; here in the world’s metropolis a minority believe, the majority harden themselves, and he announces his future and final departure to the Gentiles. After three days—Spent in recovering from fatigue and seeing his special Roman friends. Chief—In character and influence rather than office. Paul’s purpose was not mainly to exculpate himself from infidelity to Judaism. This exculpation is but preparatory to the pressing Jesus the Messiah upon their faith. Yet was I delivered—He states the proceedings of the Sanhedrin against him in the most gentle terms possible, giving the fact passively without holding any body responsible.

Verses 17-20. And after three days — Given to rest and prayer; Paul called the chief of the Jews together — His great love to the Jews induced him, wherever he came and found any, to labour in the first place to promote their salvation; and as he was now bound, and could not conveniently go round to them, he sent for the chief of them to come to him, his confinement not being so strict but he had liberty to receive the visits of his friends. He had reason to suppose that they might be offended, and imbibe prejudices against him, when they heard he had appealed from the courts in Judea to Cesar, and he judged it would be very proper for him to make an apology to them for so doing; and, in order to prepare their minds for receiving the gospel, to suffer nothing to be wanting on his part, to make them sensible of the affectionate regard that he had for them, notwithstanding the injurious treatment he had met with from their countrymen at Jerusalem. For these purposes he wished to have this interview with them. And when — According to his desire; they were come together — In the private house where he dwelt; he said, Men and brethren — Addressing them in respectful language; and thereby intimating, that he expected to be treated by them both as a man and a brother; though I have committed nothing against the people, &c. — Seeing him chained, they might have suspected he had committed something against them. Therefore he first obviates this suspicion. Yet was I delivered prisoner to the Romans — Their accusing him as a criminal before Felix the governor, and demanding judgment against him, was, in effect, delivering him prisoner into the hands of the Romans; and that at a time when he desired no more but a fair and impartial trial by their own law. But if he had declared the whole truth in this matter, the Jews would have appeared in a worse light than that in which he now represented them; for he might with truth have asserted that they would have murdered him without any colour of law or justice, if the Romans had not protected him. Who, when they had examined me — And had heard all that my adversaries could offer against me; would have let me go — That is, would have set me at liberty; because there was no cause of death in me — No crime, or offence, which they could judge to be a sufficient reason for putting me to death, or for keeping me under longer confinement. But when the Jews spake against it — He speaks tenderly of them, not mentioning their repeated attempts upon his life. I was constrained to appeal unto Cesar — To remove my cause to Rome, finding that the governors of Judea, one after another, stood so much in awe of the Jews, that they would not discharge me for fear of making them their enemies. Not that I had aught to accuse my nation of — Not that I had any design to accuse others; for, whatever injury I have received from any particular persons, I heartily forgive them, and wish the whole Jewish people, without exception, even my most inveterate enemies among them, all possible prosperity and happiness; but I was forced, contrary to my inclination, to make this appeal, purely in my own defence, and to prevent that assassination which I knew some persons were contriving against me. For this cause, therefore, have I called for you — As soon as I came hither; to see and speak with you — With a view, if possible, to prevent any prejudice which might be entertained by any of you to my disadvantage; because that for the hope of Israel — What Israel hopes for, namely, the Messiah and the resurrection; I am bound with this chain — And exposed to all these sufferings; and therefore, rather merit your compassion and friendship, than your resentment.

V. 19. When the Jews opposed it-He speaks tenderly of them, not mentioning their repeated attempts to murder him. Not that I had any thing to accuse my nation of-Not that I had any design to accuse others, but merely to defend myself.

Verses 17-20. And after three days — Given to rest and prayer; Paul called the chief of the Jews together — His great love to the Jews induced him, wherever he came and found any, to labour in the first place to promote their salvation; and as he was now bound, and could not conveniently go round to them, he sent for the chief of them to come to him, his confinement not being so strict but he had liberty to receive the visits of his friends. He had reason to suppose that they might be offended, and imbibe prejudices against him, when they heard he had appealed from the courts in Judea to Cesar, and he judged it would be very proper for him to make an apology to them for so doing; and, in order to prepare their minds for receiving the gospel, to suffer nothing to be wanting on his part, to make them sensible of the affectionate regard that he had for them, notwithstanding the injurious treatment he had met with from their countrymen at Jerusalem. For these purposes he wished to have this interview with them. And when — According to his desire; they were come together — In the private house where he dwelt; he said, Men and brethren — Addressing them in respectful language; and thereby intimating, that he expected to be treated by them both as a man and a brother; though I have committed nothing against the people, &c. — Seeing him chained, they might have suspected he had committed something against them. Therefore he first obviates this suspicion. Yet was I delivered prisoner to the Romans — Their accusing him as a criminal before Felix the governor, and demanding judgment against him, was, in effect, delivering him prisoner into the hands of the Romans; and that at a time when he desired no more but a fair and impartial trial by their own law. But if he had declared the whole truth in this matter, the Jews would have appeared in a worse light than that in which he now represented them; for he might with truth have asserted that they would have murdered him without any colour of law or justice, if the Romans had not protected him. Who, when they had examined me — And had heard all that my adversaries could offer against me; would have let me go — That is, would have set me at liberty; because there was no cause of death in me — No crime, or offence, which they could judge to be a sufficient reason for putting me to death, or for keeping me under longer confinement. But when the Jews spake against it — He speaks tenderly of them, not mentioning their repeated attempts upon his life. I was constrained to appeal unto Cesar — To remove my cause to Rome, finding that the governors of Judea, one after another, stood so much in awe of the Jews, that they would not discharge me for fear of making them their enemies. Not that I had aught to accuse my nation of — Not that I had any design to accuse others; for, whatever injury I have received from any particular persons, I heartily forgive them, and wish the whole Jewish people, without exception, even my most inveterate enemies among them, all possible prosperity and happiness; but I was forced, contrary to my inclination, to make this appeal, purely in my own defence, and to prevent that assassination which I knew some persons were contriving against me. For this cause, therefore, have I called for you — As soon as I came hither; to see and speak with you — With a view, if possible, to prevent any prejudice which might be entertained by any of you to my disadvantage; because that for the hope of Israel — What Israel hopes for, namely, the Messiah and the resurrection; I am bound with this chain — And exposed to all these sufferings; and therefore, rather merit your compassion and friendship, than your resentment.

19. Not… accuse my nation—The fact of his being compelled to appeal implicated the heads of his nation; but he repudiates the feeling or purpose of accusing. The terms brethren, constrained, my nation, all indicate the deep affection for his kinsmen expressed in his epistle to the Romans, and his burning desire to win them to the Gospel. (Romans 9:1-6.)

V. 20. The hope of Israel-What Israel hopes for, namely, the Messiah and the resurrection.

Verse 20. For the hope of Israel I am bound, &c.] As if he had said: This, and this alone, is the cause of my being delivered into the hands of the Romans; I have proclaimed Jesus as the Messiah; have maintained that though he was crucified by the Jews, yet he rose again from the dead; and, through him, I have preached the general resurrection of mankind: this all Israel professes to hope for; and yet it is on this account that the Jews persecute me. Both the Messiah and the resurrection might be said to be the hope of Israel; and it is hard to tell which of them is here meant: see Acts 13:6; 24:15, 21; 26:6. It is certain that, although the Jews believed in the general resurrection, yet they did not credit it in the manner in which Paul preached it; for he laid the foundation of the general resurrection on the resurrection of Christ.

Verses 17-20. And after three days — Given to rest and prayer; Paul called the chief of the Jews together — His great love to the Jews induced him, wherever he came and found any, to labour in the first place to promote their salvation; and as he was now bound, and could not conveniently go round to them, he sent for the chief of them to come to him, his confinement not being so strict but he had liberty to receive the visits of his friends. He had reason to suppose that they might be offended, and imbibe prejudices against him, when they heard he had appealed from the courts in Judea to Cesar, and he judged it would be very proper for him to make an apology to them for so doing; and, in order to prepare their minds for receiving the gospel, to suffer nothing to be wanting on his part, to make them sensible of the affectionate regard that he had for them, notwithstanding the injurious treatment he had met with from their countrymen at Jerusalem. For these purposes he wished to have this interview with them. And when — According to his desire; they were come together — In the private house where he dwelt; he said, Men and brethren — Addressing them in respectful language; and thereby intimating, that he expected to be treated by them both as a man and a brother; though I have committed nothing against the people, &c. — Seeing him chained, they might have suspected he had committed something against them. Therefore he first obviates this suspicion. Yet was I delivered prisoner to the Romans — Their accusing him as a criminal before Felix the governor, and demanding judgment against him, was, in effect, delivering him prisoner into the hands of the Romans; and that at a time when he desired no more but a fair and impartial trial by their own law. But if he had declared the whole truth in this matter, the Jews would have appeared in a worse light than that in which he now represented them; for he might with truth have asserted that they would have murdered him without any colour of law or justice, if the Romans had not protected him. Who, when they had examined me — And had heard all that my adversaries could offer against me; would have let me go — That is, would have set me at liberty; because there was no cause of death in me — No crime, or offence, which they could judge to be a sufficient reason for putting me to death, or for keeping me under longer confinement. But when the Jews spake against it — He speaks tenderly of them, not mentioning their repeated attempts upon his life. I was constrained to appeal unto Cesar — To remove my cause to Rome, finding that the governors of Judea, one after another, stood so much in awe of the Jews, that they would not discharge me for fear of making them their enemies. Not that I had aught to accuse my nation of — Not that I had any design to accuse others; for, whatever injury I have received from any particular persons, I heartily forgive them, and wish the whole Jewish people, without exception, even my most inveterate enemies among them, all possible prosperity and happiness; but I was forced, contrary to my inclination, to make this appeal, purely in my own defence, and to prevent that assassination which I knew some persons were contriving against me. For this cause, therefore, have I called for you — As soon as I came hither; to see and speak with you — With a view, if possible, to prevent any prejudice which might be entertained by any of you to my disadvantage; because that for the hope of Israel — What Israel hopes for, namely, the Messiah and the resurrection; I am bound with this chain — And exposed to all these sufferings; and therefore, rather merit your compassion and friendship, than your resentment.

Ver. 20. For the HOPE of Israel I am bound with this chain. Jeremiah 14:8. The Hope of Israel, the Messiah. “The fathers having this Hope, served God day and night.” But in Babylon they mourned, saying, our Hope is lost. Ezekiel 37:12. Christ, the hope, the blessed hope set before us, the hope of the gospel, is like an anchor, sure and stedfast. Titus 2:13.

20. For this cause—From the fact of his being a true brother Jew in undeserved bonds. Hope of Israel—A deeper underlying cause, the real cause of his chain, is the hope of Israel, the Messiah. And that brings up the main point of discussion, not himself, but Christ.

V. 21. We have neither received letters concerning thee-There must have been a peculiar providence in this,

nor has any of the brethren-The Jews,

related-Professedly, in a set discourse,

or spoke-Occasionally, in conversation,

any evil of thee-How must the bridle then have been in their mouth!

Verse 21. We neither received letters, &c.] This is very strange, and shows us that the Jews knew their cause to be hopeless, and therefore did not send it forward to Rome. They wished for an opportunity to kill Paul: and, when they were frustrated by his appeal to the emperor, they permitted the business to drop. Calmet supposes they had not time to send; but this supposition does not appear to be sufficiently solid: they might have sent long before Paul sailed; and they might have written officially by the vessel in which the centurion and the prisoners were embarked. But their case was hopeless; and they could not augur any good to themselves from making a formal complaint against the apostle at the emperor’s throne.

Verses 21, 22. And they said, We have neither received letters, &c. — There must have been a particular providence in this; neither any of the brethren, (the Jews,) that came from Judea, showed or spake any harm of thee — This was very strange if true: that the restless and inveterate rage of the Jews, which had followed Paul whithersoever he went, should not follow him to Rome also, to get him condemned there, was remarkable. But, perhaps his accusers had not yet arrived; or the Jews did not dare to pursue him with their accusations into the court, to which, by appealing to Cesar, he had now removed his cause. But we desire to hear of thee what thou thinkest — What thy opinions or sentiments are, and what thou hast to say in defence of thy doctrine, as a disciple and missionary of Jesus of Nazareth; for as concerning this sect — Which professes so high regard to him; we know — In the general; that it is everywhere spoken against — And held in great contempt. This was not, nor is it ever a proof of a bad cause; but a very probable mark of a good one. Some think this refers to a fact mentioned by Justin Martyr, (Dialog. cum Tryph., pp. 171, and 368,) and afterward by Origen, (contra Cels., lib. 6.,) and Eusebius, (Ecc. Hist., lib. 4. cap. 18,) that the Jews at Jerusalem sent chosen men, of the most distinguished character, all over the world, representing the Christians as an atheistical sect, and charging them with the grossest calumnies, which the ignorant heathen advanced against them. The fact itself is very credible, but as the exact date of it cannot be ascertained, it possibly might take place after this period, and so not be the cause of the reproach now everywhere cast on the Christians. The carnal mind, which is enmity against God and his holy religion, will always dispose those who are only born after the flesh, to hate, despise, and persecute those that are born after the Spirit, and this circumstance sufficiently accounts for all the obloquy and ill treatment which the disciples of Jesus met with.

21. Neither received letters—Paul’s voyage from Jerusalem to Rome was latest in fall and earliest in spring, so that probably he outstripped any other intelligence to the Roman Jews. That came—In the same ship with Paul. His fellow passengers brought no charge against him. This does not imply that his career as a leader of a sect is unknown to them, but that no charge of a judicial nature had been reported to them. As the head of a sect they desire to hear his thinkings. This does not imply, as some have inferred, that there was little or no Christian Church now at Rome, or that these head Jews were unaware of its existence; but that in their view Paul, the celebrated pupil of Gamaliel, was such an expositor as had never been at Rome, such an expositor as it might be worth their while to hear.

V. 22. This sect we know is every where spoken against-This is no proof at all of a bad cause, but a very probable mark of a good one.

Verse 22. For as concerning this sect] See Clarke’s note on “Acts 24:14”. A saying of Justin Martyr casts some light on this saying of the Jews: he asserts that the Jews not only cursed them in their synagogues, but they sent out chosen men from Jerusalem, to acquaint the world, and particularly the Jews everywhere, that the Christians were an atheistical and wicked sect, which should be, detested and abhorred by all mankind. Justin Martyr, Dial. p. 234.

Verses 21, 22. And they said, We have neither received letters, &c. — There must have been a particular providence in this; neither any of the brethren, (the Jews,) that came from Judea, showed or spake any harm of thee — This was very strange if true: that the restless and inveterate rage of the Jews, which had followed Paul whithersoever he went, should not follow him to Rome also, to get him condemned there, was remarkable. But, perhaps his accusers had not yet arrived; or the Jews did not dare to pursue him with their accusations into the court, to which, by appealing to Cesar, he had now removed his cause. But we desire to hear of thee what thou thinkest — What thy opinions or sentiments are, and what thou hast to say in defence of thy doctrine, as a disciple and missionary of Jesus of Nazareth; for as concerning this sect — Which professes so high regard to him; we know — In the general; that it is everywhere spoken against — And held in great contempt. This was not, nor is it ever a proof of a bad cause; but a very probable mark of a good one. Some think this refers to a fact mentioned by Justin Martyr, (Dialog. cum Tryph., pp. 171, and 368,) and afterward by Origen, (contra Cels., lib. 6.,) and Eusebius, (Ecc. Hist., lib. 4. cap. 18,) that the Jews at Jerusalem sent chosen men, of the most distinguished character, all over the world, representing the Christians as an atheistical sect, and charging them with the grossest calumnies, which the ignorant heathen advanced against them. The fact itself is very credible, but as the exact date of it cannot be ascertained, it possibly might take place after this period, and so not be the cause of the reproach now everywhere cast on the Christians. The carnal mind, which is enmity against God and his holy religion, will always dispose those who are only born after the flesh, to hate, despise, and persecute those that are born after the Spirit, and this circumstance sufficiently accounts for all the obloquy and ill treatment which the disciples of Jesus met with.

22. Spoken against—Elsewhere and here at Rome. Frankly, then, though they will listen, their prepossessions are against the argument. The hatred and calumny now poured upon Christians, by which Nero was emboldened to perpetrate his cruel persecutions, arose from various causes. As a sort of Jewish sect, they inherited in the first place all the odium of Jews. As abhorring the gods of paganism, they were stigmatized as “atheists.” As standing aloof from unholy amusements, they were held as unsocial and haters of the human race. As refusing to swear by the name of the emperor and sacrifice to his image, they were held as disloyal. As looking to a future, and perhaps near, conflagration of the world, they might plausibly be accused as incendiaries. And as being alleged to assemble by night to partake the mystical body and blood of Christ, they were even slandered as nightly cannibals! It is said by Justin Martyr that, previous to this period, the Jewish hierarchy had sent delegations into all parts of the civilized world denouncing the whole Christian body. In such a storm was rocked the cradle of the Christian Church.

V. 23. To whom he expounded, testifying the kingdom of God, and persuading them concerning Jesus-These were his two grand topics, 1. That the kingdom of the Messiah was of a spiritual, not temporal nature: 2. That Jesus of Nazareth was the very person foretold, as the Lord of that kingdom. On this head he had as much need to persuade as to convince, their will making as strong a resistance as their understanding.

Verse 23. To whom he expounded-the kingdom of God] To whom he showed that the reign of the Messiah was to be a spiritual reign; and that Jesus, whom the Jewish rulers had lately crucified, was the true Messiah, who should rule in this spiritual kingdom. These two points were probably those on which he expatiated from morning to evening, proving both out of the law and out of the prophets. How easily Jesus, as the Messiah, and his spiritual kingdom, might be proved from the law of Moses, any person may be satisfied, by consulting the notes written on those books. As to the prophets, their predictions are so clear, and their prophecies so obviously fulfilled in the person, preaching, miracles, passion, and death of Jesus Christ, that it is utterly impossible, with any show of reason, to apply them to any other.

Verse 23. And when they had appointed him a day — Which might best suit the convenience of most of them that were present; they came to him at his lodging — For though they were much prejudiced against the Christian religion, as being everywhere maligned, yet they were willing to be accurately informed concerning it, which the Jews at Jerusalem were not. And though Paul appeared among them, with every disadvantage, having been sent to Rome a prisoner, and being at this very time bound with a chain; yet they were willing to give him a patient hearing, judging it unjust to condemn a man, a party, or cause, unheard. So far, it seems, had they imbibed the fair and equitable principles of the imperial city wherein they resided. To whom he expounded — Various passages of their own Scriptures, as well as the chief principles of the Christian faith; and testified the kingdom of God — That is, bore testimony to the erection and establishment of God’s kingdom, under the Messiah; or set forth the nature of the Messiah’s kingdom, showing that it was a spiritual, not a temporal kingdom; persuading them concerning Jesus — Namely, that Jesus of Nazareth, in whose name he preached, was the very person foretold as the Lord of that kingdom; both out of the law of Moses, and out of the prophets — That is, he showed that the birth, doctrine, miracles, death, resurrection, and ascension of Jesus, and the pouring out of the Holy Spirit, had all happened exactly according to the predictions concerning the Messiah contained in the law and the prophets, and from that agreement he argued and proved that Jesus was their long-expected Messiah. On this head, he had as much need to persuade as to convince, their will making as strong a resistance as their understanding. And in such an important light did he view this subject, and so much was his heart set upon it, that he continued his discourse from morning till evening — Probably eight or ten hours, urging it upon his hearers with all his might; for he knew not when he should have such another opportunity, and therefore was willing to make the most of this.

Ver. 23. When they had appointed a day, there came many of the principal jews to his lodging. Christ had appeared to Paul, and he was a debtor to all men, to turn them from darkness to light. The more pious jews believed, while the wicked, being hardened, sought to kill him.

V. 24. And some believed the things that were spoken-With the heart, as well as understanding.

Verse 24. Some believed, &c.] His message was there treated as his Gospel is to the present day: some believe, and are converted; others continue in obstinate unbelief, and perish. Could the Jews then have credited the spiritual nature of the Messiah’s kingdom, they would have found little difficulty to receive Jesus Christ as the MESSIAH. Multitudes of those now called Christians can more easily credit Jesus as the Messiah than believe the spiritual nature of his kingdom. The cross is the great stumbling block: millions expect Jesus and his kingdom who cannot be persuaded that the cross is the way to the crown.

Verses 24-26. And some believed the things which were spoken — Were happily persuaded of the truth of Paul’s doctrine, and were induced to embrace Christianity; and some — On the other hand, were so much under the influence of strong prejudice and hardened, that they believed not — But rejected the gospel, amidst all the evidence which Paul advanced to support it. And when they agreed not among themselves — But were of opposite opinions; they departed — The assembly broke up; after that Paul had spoken one word — In the close of all, on account of that obstinacy which he observed to prevail in most of them; Well spake the Holy Ghost unto our fathers — What is equally applicable to you; saying, Go unto this people — Perverse and obstinate as they are; and say, Hearing ye shall hear, &c. — That is, ye shall most surely hear; and shall — Or rather will; not understand — The words seem to denote a judicial blindness, consequent upon a wilful and obstinate resistance of the truth. See notes on Isaiah 6:9, 10; Matthew 13:14; John 12:40. We may observe here, that this passage of Isaiah is quoted oftener in the New Testament than any other taken from the Old; namely, no fewer than six times: (see the margin:) and yet in such a variety of expressions, as plainly proves that the apostles did not confine themselves exactly, either to the words of the original Hebrew or of the Greek version.

24. Some… and some—A division arose, and some became believers. How many is not intimated; in fact, Luke loses sight of the believing part during the remainder of the narrative.

V. 25. Well spake the Holy Ghost to your fathers-Which is equally applicable to you.

Verse 25. Agreed not among themselves] It seems that a controversy arose between the Jews themselves, in consequence of some believing, and others disbelieving; and the two parties contested together; and, in respect to the unbelieving party, the apostle quoted the following passage from Isaiah 6:9.

Verses 24-26. And some believed the things which were spoken — Were happily persuaded of the truth of Paul’s doctrine, and were induced to embrace Christianity; and some — On the other hand, were so much under the influence of strong prejudice and hardened, that they believed not — But rejected the gospel, amidst all the evidence which Paul advanced to support it. And when they agreed not among themselves — But were of opposite opinions; they departed — The assembly broke up; after that Paul had spoken one word — In the close of all, on account of that obstinacy which he observed to prevail in most of them; Well spake the Holy Ghost unto our fathers — What is equally applicable to you; saying, Go unto this people — Perverse and obstinate as they are; and say, Hearing ye shall hear, &c. — That is, ye shall most surely hear; and shall — Or rather will; not understand — The words seem to denote a judicial blindness, consequent upon a wilful and obstinate resistance of the truth. See notes on Isaiah 6:9, 10; Matthew 13:14; John 12:40. We may observe here, that this passage of Isaiah is quoted oftener in the New Testament than any other taken from the Old; namely, no fewer than six times: (see the margin:) and yet in such a variety of expressions, as plainly proves that the apostles did not confine themselves exactly, either to the words of the original Hebrew or of the Greek version.

25. One word—One final utterance of sorrow and rebuke.

V. 26. Hearing ye shall hear-That is, ye shall most surely hear, and shall not understand-The words manifestly denote a judicial blindness, consequent upon a wilful and obstinate resistance of the truth. First they would not, afterward they could not, believe. Isaiah 6:9, &c; Matthew 13:14; John 12:40.

Verse 26. Hearing ye shall hear, &c.] See the notes on Matthew 13:14, and John 12:39, 40.

Verses 24-26. And some believed the things which were spoken — Were happily persuaded of the truth of Paul’s doctrine, and were induced to embrace Christianity; and some — On the other hand, were so much under the influence of strong prejudice and hardened, that they believed not — But rejected the gospel, amidst all the evidence which Paul advanced to support it. And when they agreed not among themselves — But were of opposite opinions; they departed — The assembly broke up; after that Paul had spoken one word — In the close of all, on account of that obstinacy which he observed to prevail in most of them; Well spake the Holy Ghost unto our fathers — What is equally applicable to you; saying, Go unto this people — Perverse and obstinate as they are; and say, Hearing ye shall hear, &c. — That is, ye shall most surely hear; and shall — Or rather will; not understand — The words seem to denote a judicial blindness, consequent upon a wilful and obstinate resistance of the truth. See notes on Isaiah 6:9, 10; Matthew 13:14; John 12:40. We may observe here, that this passage of Isaiah is quoted oftener in the New Testament than any other taken from the Old; namely, no fewer than six times: (see the margin:) and yet in such a variety of expressions, as plainly proves that the apostles did not confine themselves exactly, either to the words of the original Hebrew or of the Greek version.

Ver. 26, 27. Hearing ye shall hear, and shall not understand. This text is often translated in a very different way from the reading of the LXX, which St. Luke here adopts. He justifies God, and wholly blames the jews for their wilful obduracy. So Dr. Whitby adds. The prophecy of Isaiah here referred to stands thus in our translation. Go, and tell this people, hear ye indeed, but understand not; and see ye indeed, but perceive not. Make the heart of this people fat, and make their ears heavy, and shut their eyes; lest they see with their eyes, and hear with their ears, and understand with their heart, and convert, and be healed. Isaiah 6:9, 10. In order to the right understanding of this text, and some others of the like import, it may be proper to take notice, that interpreters and commentators have remarked two rules which translators should be careful to observe.

(1) That a person is sometimes in scripture said to do a thing, when the meaning is that he only declares that the thing will be done, or that it is done already, by those who are capable of doing it. Thus God says to Jeremiah, I have this day set thee over the nations, and over the kingdoms, to root out, and to pull down, and to destroy: Jeremiah 1:10. But it is evident that it was not the work of a prophet to root out, or pull down, or destroy, but only to declare and foretel what was to come to pass. So likewise the actions here mentioned, not being in the prophet’s power, it is certain that this order only signified that he was to declare to this people that their heart is fat, that their ears are stopt, and their eyes shut. Hence, where the priest is commanded to make him clean, whose flesh the leprosy had covered all over, so as to be all turned white, our translators have very well rendered it, that he shall pronounce him clean. And so also in other places.

(2) That a thing is often said to be done by a person, who only permits, or at most grants that it shall be done; as may be seen in Exodus 4:21, 7:13, 8:19, 9:7, 35, 14:8, Isaiah 63:17, and many other places of scripture. Both which rules may be comprehended in this one, that when a scripture seems to express any thing contrary to right reason, we are to conclude that it must admit of another meaning; and by these we may easily rectify most of the faults which are to be found in all versions; especially those which ascribe to God such actions as are unworthy of him, and incompatible with his holiness, justice, goodness, and the rest of his divine attributes.

The translators make Moses say, in Deuteronomy 29:4, that God had not given the Israelites a heart to perceive, and eyes to see, and ears to hear; from which, libertines take occasion to disculpate themselves, and lay all their sins at God’s door. Yet he who but opens the book may find, that God highly upbraids that people for their unbelief, their stupidity, and obstinacy in their sins; notwithstanding all the admonitions he had given them, all the promises he had made of blessing them, if they hearkened to his counsel; the terrible threatenings of giving them over to their enemies, and to utter misery and ruin; and in fine, notwithstanding all the miracles he had wrought in their favour, since the beginning of their Egyptian bondage, to engage them to observe his laws. How then is it possible to imagine that God, after all this, for justifying his dealing towards them, and to convince them of their wickedness, should say that he had not given them a heart to perceive his designs, nor eyes nor ears to consider them. We must therefore reform all the versions in that place, and say with Moses, hath not God given you a heart, &c. There is scarcely any person who can without astonishment read what the translations make Jesus Christ and his apostles say, with reference to the same prophecy of Isaiah, in Matthew 13:14. Mark 4:12. Luke 8:10. John 12:40. Romans 11:8. Our Lord spoke in parables, but these versions and interpretations give them a meaning which is quite opposite to the nature and design of a parable, which is a plain and simple way of speaking, proportioned to the understanding of persons of the meanest capacity; an example or comparison borrowed from what the most ignorant can understand, to explain something that might have some difficulty in it. Now it looks very odd, that our Saviour should speak to the multitude in parables, that is, in a plain and familiar way, that they might not perceive or understand him. The true way not to be understood by them, was to speak in mysteries; but the text tells us, that for this very reason he did not speak to them in mysteries, as he did to the disciples, but by parables.

Such translations are contrary to the design of Christ’s coming into the world, and continuing so long in it; which was, in a great measure, to reform mankind, and to make them wiser and better. Acts 10:38. 1 Timothy 2:4. Titus 2:12. 2 Peter 3:9. And as he designed the good of mankind in general, so in a most particular manner he designed the good of the jewish nation, of the lost sheep of Israel, whom these words of Isaiah especially concern. Among them he lived, to them he preached, before them he wrought many mighty works. At the sight of their approaching ruin he wept, for them he prayed, after they had rejected all his calls and invitations, and even when crucifying him, and treating him with all the indignities and injuries that their malice could invent, or their power inflict. To them he first sent his apostles, who did not turn to the gentiles till the jews had proved altogether obstinate and incurable. Now, how is it possible to imagine, that he could have a design to blind and harden them for whom he had done and suffered so much? Indeed, if this had been true, they might with good reason expostulate with God, as our translators make their forefathers to do. Isaiah 63:17. “Oh Lord, why hast thou made us to err from thy ways, and hardened our hearts from thy fear?” At such divinity I shake and tremble. Some philosophers indeed have taken pleasure in expressing themselves obscurely: but far be it from us to attribute any such design to the Saviour of the world, who was no respecter of persons; who adapted his doctrines to all capacities, because he would have all to be saved, and became a propitiation for the sins of the whole world. In short, this hardening does not infer a necessity of doing evil, as appears from what St. Paul plainly declares, concerning the idolatrous heathens, and the stiff-necked jews.

26. Saying—Hereby the apostle places these rejecting Jews on the same footing with the fathers who rejected Isaiah and the prophets. Shall hear—Will hear. These shalls are simply futures, not imperatives implying what will be, not what must be. And they will be not with all, for even here were some exceptions; with all who chose to have it so. The sad result arose from their own perverse determination, not from God’s appointment.

Ver. 26, 27. Hearing ye shall hear, and shall not understand. This text is often translated in a very different way from the reading of the LXX, which St. Luke here adopts. He justifies God, and wholly blames the jews for their wilful obduracy. So Dr. Whitby adds. The prophecy of Isaiah here referred to stands thus in our translation. Go, and tell this people, hear ye indeed, but understand not; and see ye indeed, but perceive not. Make the heart of this people fat, and make their ears heavy, and shut their eyes; lest they see with their eyes, and hear with their ears, and understand with their heart, and convert, and be healed. Isaiah 6:9, 10. In order to the right understanding of this text, and some others of the like import, it may be proper to take notice, that interpreters and commentators have remarked two rules which translators should be careful to observe.

(1) That a person is sometimes in scripture said to do a thing, when the meaning is that he only declares that the thing will be done, or that it is done already, by those who are capable of doing it. Thus God says to Jeremiah, I have this day set thee over the nations, and over the kingdoms, to root out, and to pull down, and to destroy: Jeremiah 1:10. But it is evident that it was not the work of a prophet to root out, or pull down, or destroy, but only to declare and foretel what was to come to pass. So likewise the actions here mentioned, not being in the prophet’s power, it is certain that this order only signified that he was to declare to this people that their heart is fat, that their ears are stopt, and their eyes shut. Hence, where the priest is commanded to make him clean, whose flesh the leprosy had covered all over, so as to be all turned white, our translators have very well rendered it, that he shall pronounce him clean. And so also in other places.

(2) That a thing is often said to be done by a person, who only permits, or at most grants that it shall be done; as may be seen in Exodus 4:21, 7:13, 8:19, 9:7, 35, 14:8, Isaiah 63:17, and many other places of scripture. Both which rules may be comprehended in this one, that when a scripture seems to express any thing contrary to right reason, we are to conclude that it must admit of another meaning; and by these we may easily rectify most of the faults which are to be found in all versions; especially those which ascribe to God such actions as are unworthy of him, and incompatible with his holiness, justice, goodness, and the rest of his divine attributes.

The translators make Moses say, in Deuteronomy 29:4, that God had not given the Israelites a heart to perceive, and eyes to see, and ears to hear; from which, libertines take occasion to disculpate themselves, and lay all their sins at God’s door. Yet he who but opens the book may find, that God highly upbraids that people for their unbelief, their stupidity, and obstinacy in their sins; notwithstanding all the admonitions he had given them, all the promises he had made of blessing them, if they hearkened to his counsel; the terrible threatenings of giving them over to their enemies, and to utter misery and ruin; and in fine, notwithstanding all the miracles he had wrought in their favour, since the beginning of their Egyptian bondage, to engage them to observe his laws. How then is it possible to imagine that God, after all this, for justifying his dealing towards them, and to convince them of their wickedness, should say that he had not given them a heart to perceive his designs, nor eyes nor ears to consider them. We must therefore reform all the versions in that place, and say with Moses, hath not God given you a heart, &c. There is scarcely any person who can without astonishment read what the translations make Jesus Christ and his apostles say, with reference to the same prophecy of Isaiah, in Matthew 13:14. Mark 4:12. Luke 8:10. John 12:40. Romans 11:8. Our Lord spoke in parables, but these versions and interpretations give them a meaning which is quite opposite to the nature and design of a parable, which is a plain and simple way of speaking, proportioned to the understanding of persons of the meanest capacity; an example or comparison borrowed from what the most ignorant can understand, to explain something that might have some difficulty in it. Now it looks very odd, that our Saviour should speak to the multitude in parables, that is, in a plain and familiar way, that they might not perceive or understand him. The true way not to be understood by them, was to speak in mysteries; but the text tells us, that for this very reason he did not speak to them in mysteries, as he did to the disciples, but by parables.

Such translations are contrary to the design of Christ’s coming into the world, and continuing so long in it; which was, in a great measure, to reform mankind, and to make them wiser and better. Acts 10:38. 1 Timothy 2:4. Titus 2:12. 2 Peter 3:9. And as he designed the good of mankind in general, so in a most particular manner he designed the good of the jewish nation, of the lost sheep of Israel, whom these words of Isaiah especially concern. Among them he lived, to them he preached, before them he wrought many mighty works. At the sight of their approaching ruin he wept, for them he prayed, after they had rejected all his calls and invitations, and even when crucifying him, and treating him with all the indignities and injuries that their malice could invent, or their power inflict. To them he first sent his apostles, who did not turn to the gentiles till the jews had proved altogether obstinate and incurable. Now, how is it possible to imagine, that he could have a design to blind and harden them for whom he had done and suffered so much? Indeed, if this had been true, they might with good reason expostulate with God, as our translators make their forefathers to do. Isaiah 63:17. “Oh Lord, why hast thou made us to err from thy ways, and hardened our hearts from thy fear?” At such divinity I shake and tremble. Some philosophers indeed have taken pleasure in expressing themselves obscurely: but far be it from us to attribute any such design to the Saviour of the world, who was no respecter of persons; who adapted his doctrines to all capacities, because he would have all to be saved, and became a propitiation for the sins of the whole world. In short, this hardening does not infer a necessity of doing evil, as appears from what St. Paul plainly declares, concerning the idolatrous heathens, and the stiff-necked jews.

27. Waxed gross—From their own spiritual carelessness and hardness. Lest—Depends upon closed. They have closed their eyes to evidence lest they should be converted and healed.

V. 28. The salvation of God is sent to the Gentiles-Namely, from this time. Before this no apostle had been at Rome. St. Paul was the first.

Verse 28. The salvation of God is sent unto the Gentiles] St. Paul had spoken to this effect twice before, Acts 13:46, and Acts 18:6, where see the notes; but here he uses a firmer tone, being out of the Jewish territories, and under the protection of the emperor. By the salvation of God, all the blessings of the kingdom of Christ are intended. This salvation God could have sent unto the Gentiles, independently of the Jewish disobedience; but He waited till they had rejected it, and then reprobated them, and elected the Gentiles. Thus the elect became reprobate, and the reprobate elect.

They will hear it.] That is, they will obey it; for akouein signifies, not only to hear, but also to obey.

Verses 28, 29. Be it known, therefore, &c. — Having reproved the unbelieving and disobedient among his hearers, he assured them that the salvation of God, which they despised and seemed to fortify themselves against, was sent unto the Gentiles — Namely, more especially from that time; and that they would hear and embrace it, and so inherit the blessings which these Jews rejected. His words imply, that he would, from that day forward, turn to the Gentiles; and would seek, in their faith and obedience, his consolation under that grief which the infidelity of his brethren gave him. Before this, it must be observed, no apostle had been at Rome. St. Paul was the first. And when he had said these words — The last, it seems, that he now uttered among them; the Jews departed — Out of the place, not being prevailed upon to receive Jesus as the Messiah; and had great reasoning — Greek, suzhthsin, disputations; among themselves — Some thinking there was considerable weight in what Paul had urged to defend the gospel, while others, still retaining their sinful and inveterate prejudices against it, were enraged, and spake of him and his arguments with great contempt and indignation.

28. Gentiles… will hear—The great voluntary contrast by which the Jew ceases to be, and the Gentile becomes, the true Israel.

Verse 29. And had great reasoning among themselves.] The believers contending with the unbelievers; and thus we may suppose that the cause of truth gained ground. For contentions about the truth and authenticity of the religion of Christ infallibly end in the triumph and extension of that religion.

Verses 28, 29. Be it known, therefore, &c. — Having reproved the unbelieving and disobedient among his hearers, he assured them that the salvation of God, which they despised and seemed to fortify themselves against, was sent unto the Gentiles — Namely, more especially from that time; and that they would hear and embrace it, and so inherit the blessings which these Jews rejected. His words imply, that he would, from that day forward, turn to the Gentiles; and would seek, in their faith and obedience, his consolation under that grief which the infidelity of his brethren gave him. Before this, it must be observed, no apostle had been at Rome. St. Paul was the first. And when he had said these words — The last, it seems, that he now uttered among them; the Jews departed — Out of the place, not being prevailed upon to receive Jesus as the Messiah; and had great reasoning — Greek, suzhthsin, disputations; among themselves — Some thinking there was considerable weight in what Paul had urged to defend the gospel, while others, still retaining their sinful and inveterate prejudices against it, were enraged, and spake of him and his arguments with great contempt and indignation.

29. Departed—In an excitement of discussion, leaving the apostle to that deep grief which he expresses so profoundly at the commencement of Romans 9.

Roman Residence and Ministry, 30, 31.

V. 30. And Paul continued two whole years-After which this book was written, long before St. Paul's death, and was undoubtedly published with his approbation by St. Luke, who continued with him to the last, 2 Timothy 4:11.

And received all that came to him-Whether they were Jews or Gentiles. These two years completed twenty-five years after our Saviour's passion. Such progress had the Gospel made by that time, in the parts of the world which lay west of Jerusalem, by the ministry of St. Paul among the Gentiles. How far eastward the other apostles had carried it in the same time, history does not inform us.

Verse 30. Paul dwelt two whole years in his own hired house] As a state prisoner, he might have had an apartment in the common prison; but peculiar favour was showed him, and he was permitted to dwell alone, with the soldier that guarded him, Acts 28:16. Finding now an opportunity of preaching the Gospel, he hired a house for the purpose, and paid for it, St. Chrysostom observes, by the fruits of his own labour. Here he received all that came unto him, and preached the Gospel with glorious success; so that his bonds became the means of spreading the truth, and he became celebrated even in the palace of Nero, Philippians 1:12, 13; and we find that there were several saints, even in Cæsar’s household, Philippians 4:22, which were, no doubt, the fruits of the apostle’s ministry. It is said that during his two years’ residence here he became acquainted with Seneca, the philosopher, between whom and the apostle an epistolary correspondence took place. In an ancient MS. of Seneca’s epistles in my own possession, these letters are extant, and are in number fourteen and have a prologue to them written by St. Jerome. That they are very ancient cannot be doubted; but learned men have long ago agreed that they are neither worthy of Paul nor of Seneca.

While he was in captivity, the Church at Philippi, to which he was exceedingly dear, sent him some pecuniary assistance by the hands of their minister, Epaphroditus, who, it appears, risked his life in the service of the apostle, and was taken with a dangerous malady. When he got well, he returned to Philippi, and, it is supposed, carried with him that epistle which is still extant; and from it we learn that Timothy was then at Rome with Paul, and that he had the prospect of being shortly delivered from his captivity. See Philippians 1:12, 13; 2:25; 4:15, 16, 18, &c.

Verses 30, 31. And Paul dwelt two whole years at Rome, in his own hired house — Before he was heard by Cesar, or his deputy, upon his appeal; and received all that came to him — Whether Jews or Gentiles. Preaching the kingdom of God — As established in the person of his beloved Son; and teaching those things which concerned the Lord Jesus — And the religion he had instituted in the world; with all confidence — All freedom of speech; no man forbidding him — Neither emperor, nor senate, nor magistrate, nor soldier, nor priest, nor people, though in a heathen city, devoted to idolatry, in the least hindering or forbidding him. It appears, from this passage, that the persecution against the Christians at Rome was not then begun: the Romans had not yet made any laws against the disciples of Jesus; for what is here related happened within the first ten years of the reign of Nero, before his cruelty against Christians broke out. Observe, reader, that Rome heathen of old was far less cruel, and much more courteous to the preachers of the gospel, than Rome antichristian has since been. Then an apostle might preach two years together, without molestation, in his own hired house, to all comers: but now a minister of God must there have no public or private place of meeting to worship God according to his word and will, without danger of an inquisition! As the apostle’s house was open to every comer, it is not to be doubted that many resorted to him daily; some out of curiosity to hear and see the chief of a sect which was now become so numerous, and was said to be endued with extraordinary powers, and others from an honest inclination seriously to inquire into the strange things which he spake concerning Jesus of Nazareth, and to examine the evidence which he offered in support of them. Now to all these the apostle willingly preached, bearing witness to Christ at Rome, even as formerly in Jerusalem. And though Luke has not mentioned it, Paul himself hath told us, that his testimony concerning Jesus was well received, and that he made many converts in Rome, among whom were some even of the emperor’s domestics, whose salutation he sent to the Philippians 4:22. Further, he says, that the brethren in Rome, encouraged by his example, perhaps also strengthened by the gift of the Spirit, which he imparted to them, according to his promise, (Romans 1:11,) preached the gospel more openly and boldly than they would otherwise have done, Philippians 1:14, 15. Such was the victory of the word of God, and such progress had the gospel made by the end of these two years, in the parts of the world which lay west of Jerusalem, by the ministry of Paul among the Gentiles. How far eastward the other apostles had carried it, in the same time, history does not inform us. As Luke concludes his history with Paul’s abode at Rome before his journey into Spain, we may infer that he wrote both his gospel and the Acts while the apostle was still living, of whose actions he was himself an eye-witness, and by whom, it is very probable, this book was revised, as the ancients also say his gospel was. During this, his first confinement at Rome, the apostle wrote four epistles, which still remain; namely, one to the Ephesians, another to the Philippians, a third to the Colossians, and a fourth to Philemon: and after his release, he wrote his epistle to the Hebrews. In the epistles to the Philippians, Colossians, and Philemon. Timothy joined Paul. But he is not mentioned in the inscription of the epistle to the Ephesians, though it was written about the same time with the others, and sent along with the epistle to the Colossians. From this circumstance we may infer, that the letters to the Philippians, the Colossians, and Philemon, were written a little before the letter to the Ephesians, and while Timothy was at Rome; but that after they were finished, and before the letter to the Ephesians was begun, he left the city to go to Philippi, agreeably to the apostle’s promise to the Philippians to send Timothy to them soon, (chap. 2:19,) and to what he tells the Hebrews, that Timothy was actually sent away, chap. 13:23. The letter to the Ephesians, being written soon after that to the Colossians, and while the matter, and form, and very expressions of that letter were fresh in the apostle’s mind, the two resemble each other so much, that they have been termed twin epistles, and throw light on each other. For which reason the apostle very properly ordered the Colossians to cause their epistle to be read in the church of the Laodiceans, to which it is supposed the Ephesians, agreeably to the directions given them by Tychicus, sent a copy of their epistle. If this conjecture be right, the epistle to the Ephesians is the letter from Laodicea, which the Colossians were ordered to read in their church, Colossians 4:16.

It must now be observed, that Paul, during his two years’ confinement at Rome, having preached the gospel with great success, and edified the churches of Greece and Asia by the divinely-inspired letters which he wrote during that period, was at length released, probably in the spring of A.D. 65, answering to the ninth year of Nero. Luke, indeed, has not directly mentioned Paul’s release; but by limiting his confinement to two years, he has intimated that he was then set at liberty. His confinement at Rome issued thus favourably through the goodness of his cause, and through the intercession of some powerful friends in Cesar’s family, who had embraced the Christian faith, and who were greatly interested in the fortune of one who was so strong a pillar of the new religion which they had espoused. Some have questioned whether he ever returned into the east again, which yet, from Philemon 1:22, and Hebrews 13:23, he seems to have expected. Clemens Romanus (ad Corinthians epist, 1. cap. 5) expressly tells us, that he preached in the west, and that to its utmost bounds, which must at least include Spain, whither he intended to go, Romans 15:24,

25. Theodoret adds, that he went to the islands of the sea, and numbers Gaul (that is, France) and Britain among the disciples of the tent-maker. But in what order he took these places, or how tong he remained in any of them, cannot be determined. We are told, however, that about A.D. 65, or 67, (for chronologers differs) he returned to Rome, where, some say he met with Peter, who was thrown into a prison, with other Christians, on pretence of being concerned in the burning of the city. Chrysostom tells us, that he here converted one of Nero’s concubines, which so incensed that cruel prince, that he put him to death; probably after an imprisonment, in which the second epistle to Timothy was written. How long Paul continued in prison, at this time, we know not; but from his being twice brought before the emperor, or his prefect, it may be presumed that he was imprisoned a year or more before he was condemned.

The danger to which Paul was exposed, by this second imprisonment, appeared so great to his assistants, that most of them fled from the city. Luke alone remained with him: and even he was so intimidated, that he durst not stand by him when he made his first answer, 2 Timothy 4:11,

16. From this epistle we learn, also, that although the apostle’s assistants, terrified with the danger that threatened him, forsook him and fled, he was not altogether without consolation. For the brethren of Rome came to him privately, and ministered to him, as we learn from his salutation to Timothy, 2 Timothy 4:21.

It is universally agreed, among all ancient writers, who mention his death, that he was beheaded at Aquæ Salviæ, three miles from Rome; for, being free of that city, he could not be crucified, as Peter was, according to the tradition of the Latin Church, on the very same day. It is said, and there is great reason to believe it, that this glorious confessor gave his head to the fatal stroke with the greatest cheerfulness, and also that he was buried in the Via Ostiensis, two miles from Rome, where Constantine the Great erected a church to his memory, A.D. 318, which was successively repaired and beautified by Theodosius the Great, and the Empress Placidia. But his most glorious monument remains in his immortal writings, which come next under our consideration: and the author of this work will esteem it one of the greatest honours which can be conferred upon him, and the most important service his pen can perform for the church of Christ, to be, in any measure, instrumental in illustrating them, and rendering them more edifying than they had been before to the reader.

Ver. 30, 31. Paul dwelt two whole years in his own hired house — preaching the kingdom of God, till it pleased the Lord to deliver him from the mouth of the lion, having made his bonds subservient to the success of the gospel.

30. Two whole years—A whole two-year. It is clear from this that Paul was released from his first Roman imprisonment at the close of two years. Own hired house—For the payment for which, as he seems not to have had the means of labouring at his occupation, he was doubtless aided by the Christian Churches. Whether this hired house was the same as the lodging in verse 23 is uncertain and very unimportant. Received all—Was ready to give his attention to every coming inquirer, preaching to the full congregation, and teaching the individual inquirer. No… forbidding—The Romans not having the wish, and the Jews not having the courage, to interfere. Here then in the imperial city the Jew rejects and is rejected, and Christianity has struck her immovable root in representative Gentile soil. As Luke’s purpose is not to write a biography of Paul, but a history of this great transition, his task is now complete, and his pen ceases its work. (See page 10.)

If we wish to know the spirit with which Paul was animated during this imprisonment we must study his four Epistles then written, remembering the bonds, fettered as he was to a soldier in his own hired house, or in the prison, in which he wrote:

1. His EPISTLE TO THE Colossians.

2. His fraternal note to Philemon.

3. His EPISTLE TO THE Ephesians.

4. His EPISTLE TO THE Philippians.

Two opinions exist, as we have already noted, as to the date of the martyrdom of St. Paul. One (as Conybeare and Howson and Alford) maintains that after his first imprisonment and trial (62-64) he was acquitted, travelled, preached, wrote his Epistles to TIMOTHY and to TITUS, and was again arrested, tried, and executed in A.D. 66-68. The other (Schaff and Pressense) that he was martyred upon his first trial before the fulness of the Neronian persecution, A.D. 64. It is agreed that he was not crucified, but, as a Roman citizen, executed with the axe. He was led for death to the Aquae Salviae and buried in the road to Ostia. Peter, it is said, was on the same day crucified at Rome and buried in the Vatican. Caius, a Roman presbyter, about A.D. 212 could make the Christian boast, “I am able to point out the Christian trophies of the apostles, for if you go to the Vatican or to the Ostian Way you will find the mementoes of those who founded this Church.”

V. 31. No man forbidding him-Such was the victory of the word of God. While Paul was preaching at Rome, the Gospel shone with its highest lustre. Here therefore the Acts of the Apostles end; and end with great advantage. Otherwise St. Luke could easily have continued his narrative to the apostle's death.

Verse 31. Preaching the kingdom of God] Showing the spiritual nature of the true Church, under the reign of the Messiah. For an explanation of this phrase, see Clarke’s note on “Matthew 3:2”. Those things which concern the Lord] The Redeemer of the world was to be represented as the LORD; as JESUS; and as the CHRIST. As the Lord, o kuriov, the sole potentate, upholding all things by the word of his power; governing the world and the Church; having all things under his control, and all his enemies under his feet; in short, the maker and upholder of all things, and the judge of all men. As Jesus-the Saviour; he who saves, delivers, and preserves; and especially he who saves his people from their sins. For the explanation of the word JESUS, see the note on John 1:17. As Christ-the same as Messiah; both signifying the ANOINTED: he who was appointed by the Lord to this great and glorious work; who had the Spirit without measure, and who anoints, communicates the gifts and graces of that Spirit to all true believers. St. Paul taught the things which concerned or belonged to the Lord Jesus Christ. He proved him to be the Messiah foretold by the prophets, and expected by the Jews; he spoke of what he does as the Lord, what he does as Jesus, and what he does as Christ. These contain the sum and substance of all that is called the Gospel of Christ. Yet, the things which concern the Lord Jesus Christ, necessarily include the whole account of his incarnation, preaching in Judea, miracles, persecutions, passion, death, burial, resurrection, ascension, intercession, and his sending down the gifts and graces of the Holy Spirit. These were the subjects on which the apostle preached for two whole years, during his imprisonment at Rome.

With all confidence] parrhsiav, Liberty of speech; perfect freedom to say all he pleased, and when he pleased. He had the fullest toleration from the Roman government to preach as he pleased, and what he pleased; and the unbelieving Jews had no power to prevent him.

It is supposed that it was during this residence at Rome that he converted Onesimus, and sent him back to his master Philemon, with the epistle which is still extant. And it is from Philemon 1:23, 24, of that epistle, that we learn that Paul had then with him Epaphras, Marcus, Aristarchus, Demas, and Luke.

Here St. Luke’s account of Paul’s travels and sufferings ends; and it is probable that this history was written soon after the end of the two years mentioned in Acts 28:30.

That the apostle visited many places after this, suffered much in the great cause of Christianity, and preached the Gospel of Jesus with amazing success, is generally believed. How he came to be liberated we are not told; but it is likely that, having been kept in this sort of confinement for about two years, and none appearing against him, he was released by the imperial order.

Concerning the time, place, and manner of his death, we have little certainty. It is commonly believed that, when a general persecution was raised against the Christians by Nero, about A.D. 64, under pretence that they had set Rome on fire, both St. Paul and St. Peter then sealed the truth with their blood; the latter being crucified with his head downward; the former being beheaded, either in A.D. 64 or 65, and buried in the Via Ostiensis. EUSEBIUS, Hist, Eccles. lib. ii. cap. 25, intimates that the tombs of these two apostles, with their inscriptions, were extant in his time; and quotes as his authority a holy man of the name of Caius, who wrote against the sect of the Cataphrygians, who has asserted this, as from his personal knowledge. See Eusebius, by Reading, vol. i. p. 83; and see Dr. Lardner, in his life of this apostle, who examines this account with his usual perspicuity and candour. Other writers have been more particular concerning his death: they say that it was not by the command of Nero that he was martyred, but by that of the prefects of the city, Nero being then absent; that he was beheaded at Aquæ Salviæ, about three miles from Rome, on Feb. 22; that he could not be crucified, as Peter was, because he was a freeman of the city of Rome. But there is great uncertainty on these subjects, so that we cannot positively rely on any account that even the ancients have transmitted to us concerning the death of this apostle; and much less on the accounts given by the moderns; and least of all on those which are to be found in the Martyrologists. Whether Paul ever returned after this to Rome has not yet been satisfactorily proved. It is probable that he did, and suffered death there, as stated above; but still we have no certainty.

THERE are several subscriptions to this book in different manuscripts: these are the principal: -The Acts of the Apostles-The Acts of the holy Apostles-The end of the Acts of the holy Apostles, written by Luke the Evangelist, and fellow traveller of the illustrious Apostle Paul-By the holy Apostle and Evangelist Luke, &c. &c.

The versions are not less various in their subscriptions. The end of the Acts, that is, the History of the holy Apostles.-SYRIAC. Under the auspices and help of God, the book of the Acts of the pure Apostles is finished; whom we humbly supplicate to obtain us mercy by all their prayers. Amen. And may praise be ascribed to God, the Lord of the universe!-ARABIC.

This (book) of the Acts of the Apostles, which has been by many translated into the Roman tongue, is translated from the Roman and Greek tongue into the Æthiopic.-ÆTHIOPIC.

On the nature and importance of the Acts of the Apostles, see what is said in the preface to this book. To which may be added the following observations, taken from the conclusion of Dr. Dodd’s Commentary. “The plainness and simplicity of the narration are strong circumstances in its favour; the writer appears to have been very honest and impartial, and to have set down, very fairly, the objections which were made to Christianity, both by Jews and heathens, and the reflections which enemies cast upon it, and upon the first preachers of it. He has likewise, with a just and honest freedom, mentioned the weaknesses, faults, and prejudices, both of the apostles and their converts. There is a great and remarkable harmony between the occasional hints dispersed up and down in St. Paul’s epistles, and the facts recorded in this history; insomuch as that it is generally acknowledged that the history of the Acts is the best clue to guide us in the studying of the epistles written by that apostle. The other parts of the New Testament do likewise agree with this history, and give great confirmation to it; for the doctrines and principles are every where uniformly the same; the conclusions of the gospels contain a brief account of those things which are more particularly related in the beginning of the Acts. And there are frequent intimations, in other parts of the gospels, that such an effusion of the Spirit was expected; and that with a view to the very design which the apostles and primitive Christians are said to have carried on, by virtue of that extraordinary effusion which Christ poured out upon his disciples after his ascension; and, finally, the epistles of the other apostles, as well as those of St. Paul, plainly suppose such things to have happened as are related in the Acts of the Apostles; so that the history of the Acts is one of the most important parts of the sacred history, for neither the gospels nor epistles could have been so clearly understood without it; but by the help of it the whole scheme of the Christian revelation is set before us in an easy and manifest view.

“Even the incidental things mentioned by St. Luke are so exactly agreeable to all the accounts which remain of the best ancient historians, among the Jews and heathens, that no person who had forged such a history, in later ages, could have had that external confirmation, but would have betrayed himself by alluding to some customs or opinions since sprung up; or by misrepresenting some circumstance, or using some phrase or expression not then in use. The plea of forgery, therefore, in later ages, cannot be allowed; and for a man to have published a history of such things so early as St. Luke wrote; (that is, while some of the apostles and many other persons were alive who were concerned in the transactions which he has recorded;) if his account had not been punctually true, could have been only to have exposed himself to an easy confutation and certain infamy.

“As, therefore, the Acts of the Apostles are in themselves consistent and uniform, the incidental things agreeable to the best ancient historians which have come down to us, and the main facts supported and confirmed by the other books of the New Testament, and by the unanimous testimony of so many of the ancient fathers, we may, I think, very fairly, and with great justness, conclude that, if any history of former times deserves credit, the Acts of the Apostles ought to be received and credited; and, if the history of the Acts of the Apostles be true, Christianity cannot be false: for a doctrine so good in itself, and attended with so many miraculous and Divine testimonies, has an the possible masks of a true revelation.”

On St. PAUL’S character and conduct, see the observations at the end of Acts 9:43, where the subject is particularly considered. The book of the ACTS is not only a history of the Church, the most ancient and most impartial, as it is the most authentic extant, but it is also a history of God’s grace and providence, The manner in which he has exerted himself in favour of Christianity, and of the persons who were originally employed to disseminate its doctrines, shows us the highest marks of the Divine approbation. Had not that cause been of God, could he have so signally interposed in its behalf? Would he have wrought such a series of miracles for its propagation and support? And would all its genuine professors have submitted to sustain the loss of all things, had not his own Spirit, by its consolations in their hearts, given them to feel that his favour was better than life?

That the hardships suffered by the primitive apostles and Christians were great, the facts themselves related in this book sufficiently declare: that their consolation and happiness were abundant, the cheerful manner in which they met and sustained those hardships demonstrates. He who cordially embraced Christianity found himself no loser by it; if he lost earthly good in consequence, it was infinitely overbalanced by the spiritual good which he received. Paul himself, who suffered most, had this compensated by superabounding happiness. Wherever the Gospel comes, it finds nothing but darkness, sin, and misery; wherever it is received, it communicates light, holiness, and felicity. Reader, magnify thy God and Saviour, who hath called thee to such a state of salvation. Should thou neglect it, how grievous must thy punishment be! Not only receive its doctrines, as a system of wisdom and goodness, but receive them as motives of conduct, and as a rule of life; and show thy conscientious belief of them, by holding the truth in righteousness, and thus adorn these doctrines of God thy Saviour in all things.-Amen.

I have often with pleasure, and with great advantage to my subject, quoted Dr. Lardner, whose elaborate works in defense of Divine revelation are really beyond all praise. The conclusion of his Credibility of the Gospel History is peculiarly appropriate; and the introduction of it here can need no apology. I hope, with him, I may also say:-

“I have now performed what I undertook, and have shown that the account given by the sacred writers of persons and things is confirmed by other ancient authors of the best note. There is nothing in the books of the New Testament unsuitable to the age in which they are supposed to have been written. There appears in these writers a knowledge of the affairs of those times, not to be found in authors of later ages. We are hereby assured that the books of the New Testament are genuine, and that they were written by persons who lived at or near the time of those events of which they have given the history.

“Any one may be sensible how hard it is for the most learned, acute, and cautious man, to write a book in the character of some person of an earlier age; and not betray his own time by some mistake about the affairs of the age in which he pretends to place himself; or by allusions to customs or principles since sprung up; or by some phrase or expression not then in use. It is no easy thing to escape all these dangers in the smallest performance, though it be a treatise of theory or speculation: these hazards are greatly increased when the work is of any length; and especially if it be historical, and be concerned with characters and customs. It is yet more difficult to carry on such a design in a work consisting of several pieces, written, to all appearance, by several persons. Many indeed are desirous to deceive, but all hate to be deceived; and therefore, though attempts have been made to impose upon the world in this way, they have never, or very rarely, succeeded; but have been detected and exposed by the skill and vigilance of those who have been concerned for the truth.

“The volume of the New Testament consists of several pieces: these are ascribed to eight several persons; and there are the strongest appearances that they were not all written by any one hand, but by as many persons as they are ascribed to. There are lesser differences in the relations of some facts, and such seeming contradictions as would never have happened if these books had been all the work of one person, or of several who wrote in concert. There are as many peculiarities of temper and style as there are names of writers; divers of which show no depth of genius nor compass of knowledge! Here are representations of titles, posts, behaviour of persons of higher and lower ranks in many parts of the world; persons are introduced, and their characters are set in a full light; here is a history of things done in several cities and countries; and there are allusions to a vast variety of customs and tenets, of persons of several nations, sects, and religions. The whole is written without affectation, with the greatest simplicity and plainness, and is confirmed by other ancient writers of unquestionable authority. If it be difficult for a person of learning and experience to compose a small treatise concerning matters of speculation, with the characters of a more early age than that in which he writes, it is next to impossible that such a work of considerable length, consisting of several pieces, with a great variety of historical facts, representations of characters, principles, and customs of several nations, and distant countries, of persons of ranks and degrees, of many interests and parties, should be performed by eight several persons, the most of them unlearned, without any appearance of concert.

“I might perhaps call this argument a demonstration, if that term had not been often misapplied by men of warm imagination, and been bestowed upon reasonings that have but a small degree of probability. But though it should not be a strict demonstration that these writings are genuine, or though it be not absolutely impossible, in the nature of the thing, that the books of the New Testament should have been composed in a later age than that to which they are assigned, and of which they have innumerable characters, yet, I think, it is in the highest degree improbable, and altogether incredible.

“If the books of the New Testament were written by persons who lived before the destruction of Jerusalem, that is, if they were written at the time in which they are said to have been written, the things related in them are true. If they had not been matter of fact, they would not have been credited by any persons near that time, and in those parts of the world in which they are said to have been done, but would have been treated as the most notorious lies and falsehoods. Suppose three or four books should now appear amongst us, in the language most generally understood, giving an account of many remarkable and extraordinary events, which had happened in some kingdom of Europe, and in the most noted cities of the countries next adjoining to it; some of them said to have happened between sixty and seventy years ago, others between twenty and thirty, others nearer our own time; would they not be looked upon as the most manifest and ridiculous forgeries and impostures that ever were contrived? Would great numbers of persons in those very places, change their religious principles and practices upon the credit of things reported to be publicly done, which no man ever heard of before? Or, rather, is it possible that such a design as this would be conceived by any sober and serious persons, or even the most wild and extravagant? If the history of the New Testament be credible, the Christian religion is true. If the things that were related to have been done by Jesus, and by his followers, by virtue of powers derived from him, do not prove a person to come from God, and that his doctrine is true and divine, nothing can. And as Jesus does here, in the circumstances of his birth, life, sufferings, and after exaltation, and in the success of his doctrine, answer the description of the great person promised and foretold in the Old Testament, he is at the same time showed to be the Messiah.

“From the agreement of the writers of the New Testament with other ancient writers, we are not only assured that these books are genuine, but also that they are come down to us pure and uncorrupted, without any considerable interpolations or alterations. If such had been made in them, there would have appeared some smaller differences at least between them and other ancient writings.

“There has been in all ages a wicked propensity in mankind to advance their own notions and fancies by deceits and forgeries: they have been practised by heathens, Jews, and Christians, in support of imaginary historical facts, religious schemes and practices, and political interests. With these views some whole books have been forged, and passages inserted into others of undoubted authority. Many of the Christian writers of the second and third centuries, and of the following ages, appear to have had false notions concerning the state of Judea between the nativity of Jesus and the destruction of Jerusalem; and concerning many other things occasionally mentioned in the New Testament. The consent of the best ancient writers with those of the New Testament is a proof that these books are still untouched, and that they have not been new modelled and altered by Christians of later times, in conformity to their own peculiar sentiments.

“This may be reckoned an argument that the generality of Christians had a very high veneration for these books; or else that the several sects among them have had an eye upon each other, that no alterations might be made in those writings to which they have all appealed. It is also an argument that the Divine providence has all along watched over and guarded these books, (a very fit object of especial care,) which contain the best of principles, were apparently written with the best views, and have in them inimitable characters of truth and simplicity.”-See Dr. Lardner’s WORKS, vol. i. p. 419.

Let him answer these arguments who can.-A. C.

Verses 30, 31. And Paul dwelt two whole years at Rome, in his own hired house — Before he was heard by Cesar, or his deputy, upon his appeal; and received all that came to him — Whether Jews or Gentiles. Preaching the kingdom of God — As established in the person of his beloved Son; and teaching those things which concerned the Lord Jesus — And the religion he had instituted in the world; with all confidence — All freedom of speech; no man forbidding him — Neither emperor, nor senate, nor magistrate, nor soldier, nor priest, nor people, though in a heathen city, devoted to idolatry, in the least hindering or forbidding him. It appears, from this passage, that the persecution against the Christians at Rome was not then begun: the Romans had not yet made any laws against the disciples of Jesus; for what is here related happened within the first ten years of the reign of Nero, before his cruelty against Christians broke out. Observe, reader, that Rome heathen of old was far less cruel, and much more courteous to the preachers of the gospel, than Rome antichristian has since been. Then an apostle might preach two years together, without molestation, in his own hired house, to all comers: but now a minister of God must there have no public or private place of meeting to worship God according to his word and will, without danger of an inquisition! As the apostle’s house was open to every comer, it is not to be doubted that many resorted to him daily; some out of curiosity to hear and see the chief of a sect which was now become so numerous, and was said to be endued with extraordinary powers, and others from an honest inclination seriously to inquire into the strange things which he spake concerning Jesus of Nazareth, and to examine the evidence which he offered in support of them. Now to all these the apostle willingly preached, bearing witness to Christ at Rome, even as formerly in Jerusalem. And though Luke has not mentioned it, Paul himself hath told us, that his testimony concerning Jesus was well received, and that he made many converts in Rome, among whom were some even of the emperor’s domestics, whose salutation he sent to the Philippians 4:22. Further, he says, that the brethren in Rome, encouraged by his example, perhaps also strengthened by the gift of the Spirit, which he imparted to them, according to his promise, (Romans 1:11,) preached the gospel more openly and boldly than they would otherwise have done, Philippians 1:14, 15. Such was the victory of the word of God, and such progress had the gospel made by the end of these two years, in the parts of the world which lay west of Jerusalem, by the ministry of Paul among the Gentiles. How far eastward the other apostles had carried it, in the same time, history does not inform us. As Luke concludes his history with Paul’s abode at Rome before his journey into Spain, we may infer that he wrote both his gospel and the Acts while the apostle was still living, of whose actions he was himself an eye-witness, and by whom, it is very probable, this book was revised, as the ancients also say his gospel was. During this, his first confinement at Rome, the apostle wrote four epistles, which still remain; namely, one to the Ephesians, another to the Philippians, a third to the Colossians, and a fourth to Philemon: and after his release, he wrote his epistle to the Hebrews. In the epistles to the Philippians, Colossians, and Philemon. Timothy joined Paul. But he is not mentioned in the inscription of the epistle to the Ephesians, though it was written about the same time with the others, and sent along with the epistle to the Colossians. From this circumstance we may infer, that the letters to the Philippians, the Colossians, and Philemon, were written a little before the letter to the Ephesians, and while Timothy was at Rome; but that after they were finished, and before the letter to the Ephesians was begun, he left the city to go to Philippi, agreeably to the apostle’s promise to the Philippians to send Timothy to them soon, (chap. 2:19,) and to what he tells the Hebrews, that Timothy was actually sent away, chap. 13:23. The letter to the Ephesians, being written soon after that to the Colossians, and while the matter, and form, and very expressions of that letter were fresh in the apostle’s mind, the two resemble each other so much, that they have been termed twin epistles, and throw light on each other. For which reason the apostle very properly ordered the Colossians to cause their epistle to be read in the church of the Laodiceans, to which it is supposed the Ephesians, agreeably to the directions given them by Tychicus, sent a copy of their epistle. If this conjecture be right, the epistle to the Ephesians is the letter from Laodicea, which the Colossians were ordered to read in their church, Colossians 4:16.

It must now be observed, that Paul, during his two years’ confinement at Rome, having preached the gospel with great success, and edified the churches of Greece and Asia by the divinely-inspired letters which he wrote during that period, was at length released, probably in the spring of A.D. 65, answering to the ninth year of Nero. Luke, indeed, has not directly mentioned Paul’s release; but by limiting his confinement to two years, he has intimated that he was then set at liberty. His confinement at Rome issued thus favourably through the goodness of his cause, and through the intercession of some powerful friends in Cesar’s family, who had embraced the Christian faith, and who were greatly interested in the fortune of one who was so strong a pillar of the new religion which they had espoused. Some have questioned whether he ever returned into the east again, which yet, from Philemon 1:22, and Hebrews 13:23, he seems to have expected. Clemens Romanus (ad Corinthians epist, 1. cap. 5) expressly tells us, that he preached in the west, and that to its utmost bounds, which must at least include Spain, whither he intended to go, Romans 15:24,

25. Theodoret adds, that he went to the islands of the sea, and numbers Gaul (that is, France) and Britain among the disciples of the tent-maker. But in what order he took these places, or how tong he remained in any of them, cannot be determined. We are told, however, that about A.D. 65, or 67, (for chronologers differs) he returned to Rome, where, some say he met with Peter, who was thrown into a prison, with other Christians, on pretence of being concerned in the burning of the city. Chrysostom tells us, that he here converted one of Nero’s concubines, which so incensed that cruel prince, that he put him to death; probably after an imprisonment, in which the second epistle to Timothy was written. How long Paul continued in prison, at this time, we know not; but from his being twice brought before the emperor, or his prefect, it may be presumed that he was imprisoned a year or more before he was condemned.

The danger to which Paul was exposed, by this second imprisonment, appeared so great to his assistants, that most of them fled from the city. Luke alone remained with him: and even he was so intimidated, that he durst not stand by him when he made his first answer, 2 Timothy 4:11,

16. From this epistle we learn, also, that although the apostle’s assistants, terrified with the danger that threatened him, forsook him and fled, he was not altogether without consolation. For the brethren of Rome came to him privately, and ministered to him, as we learn from his salutation to Timothy, 2 Timothy 4:21.

It is universally agreed, among all ancient writers, who mention his death, that he was beheaded at Aquæ Salviæ, three miles from Rome; for, being free of that city, he could not be crucified, as Peter was, according to the tradition of the Latin Church, on the very same day. It is said, and there is great reason to believe it, that this glorious confessor gave his head to the fatal stroke with the greatest cheerfulness, and also that he was buried in the Via Ostiensis, two miles from Rome, where Constantine the Great erected a church to his memory, A.D. 318, which was successively repaired and beautified by Theodosius the Great, and the Empress Placidia. But his most glorious monument remains in his immortal writings, which come next under our consideration: and the author of this work will esteem it one of the greatest honours which can be conferred upon him, and the most important service his pen can perform for the church of Christ, to be, in any measure, instrumental in illustrating them, and rendering them more edifying than they had been before to the reader.

Ver. 30, 31. Paul dwelt two whole years in his own hired house — preaching the kingdom of God, till it pleased the Lord to deliver him from the mouth of the lion, having made his bonds subservient to the success of the gospel.